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北碚区玻尿酸多少钱一支88爱问九龙坡区第二人民医院线路

2019年12月05日 22:41:38    日报  参与评论()人

重庆市急救医疗中心看病贵不贵重庆星宸医院减肥瘦身多少钱重庆三峡中心医院百安分院韩式三点多少钱 Often likened to being “between a rock and a hard place Central Asia’s relatively isolated position has required it to maintain consistent and balanced good relations with two giant neighbours, China and Russia.中亚的处境常被比作“左右为难”,其相对孤立的地位要求它必须与两大邻国——中国和俄罗斯——保持协调、平衡的良好关系。Nevertheless, its high degree of integration with Russia has jolted the region’s local economies, the result of their twin exposure to the protracted Ukrainian crisis and the slump in commodity prices, manifested through tanking local currencies and reduced inflows of remittances from workers abroad.然而,由于中亚与俄罗斯高度一体化,受旷日持久的乌克兰危机和大宗商品价格暴跌的双重影响,该地区的经济遭受重创,这一点从当地货币糟糕的表现和海外工人汇款流入的减少便可见一斑。Anxiety has further gripped post-Soviet states in recent months, with the recent 35 per cent slump in the Azerbaijan manat and a 34 per cent devaluation in Turkmenistan, often considered the economy with the least direct exposure to Russia. Concerns are sping in Kazakhstan of an additional devaluation of the tenge (following last year’s 20 per cent decline) amid calls for early presidential elections.这些前苏联共和国近几个月来愈发焦虑,阿塞拜疆货币马纳特汇率近期下5%,土库曼斯坦货币贬4%,通常认为这两个国家的经济受俄罗斯的直接影响最小。哈萨克斯坦货币坚戈继去年汇率下0%后进一步贬值,担忧情绪正在其国内蔓延,民众要求提前举行总统大选。Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan arguably face even greater pressure, with both GDP and fiscal revenue highly dependent on remittances from Russia and the transit of Chinese manufactured goods into Russia/Uzbekistan. Neither has a promising outlook; the World Bank currently forecasts remittances to decline 4.9 per cent and 17.8 per cent in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan respectively this year, while Kyrgyz export volumes to Russia slumped 33 per cent year on year last year also partly the result of a concerted crackdown on Kyrgystan’s re-export industries.吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦无疑面临更大的压力,这两国的国内生产总GDP)和财政收入高度依赖来自俄罗斯的汇款,以及中国商品进入俄罗斯或乌兹别克斯坦的过境运输费。两国的前景都不乐观,据世界(World Bank)目前预测,今年吉尔吉斯斯坦的汇款将下.9%,塔吉克斯坦将下7.8%。吉尔吉斯斯坦对俄罗斯的出口量去年同比下3%,部分原因是吉尔吉斯斯坦再出口业受到联合性打击。Uzbekistan, the region’s most densely populated country, has also seen an 11 per cent decline in its som currency over the last year, and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) expects inflation to remain in double digit figures as a result.中亚人口最稠密的乌兹别克斯坦,其货币索姆的汇率在过去一年也出现1%的下跌。据国际货币基金组织(IMF)预计,乌兹别克斯坦的通胀率也将因此保持在两位数。Diversifying remains a challenge多元化仍然是个挑战The twin factors of low oil prices and Russian weakness have further pushed Central Asian states to diversify their economies. Nevertheless, their ability to integrate into global manufacturing supply chains remains hampered by their relative geographical isolation, problematic infrastructure and mostly low population densities.油价低迷和俄罗斯经济走弱这两个因素进一步推动中亚国家实行经济多样化。但它们融入全球制造业供应链的能力,仍受阻于它们相对偏僻的地理位置、成问题的基础设施和普遍的低人口密度。As an example, Japanese companies have not expanded manufacturing facilities into Central Asia as they have rapidly done in Southeast Asia, due to this lack of competitiveness. Accumulated financial exposure to Central Asia and the Caucasus by the Japan Bank for International Cooperation (JBIC), Japan’s main policy lender, currently amounts to only #165;642bn, barely 3 per cent of its total #165;21,106bn exposure across Asia, and most of this has also gone towards energy-related services.举例来说,日本企业在东南亚迅速扩大了生产设施,但在中亚就没这么做,原因是这里缺乏竞争力。日本的主要政策性——日本国际协力银JBIC)对中亚和高加索地区的金融敞口累积到现在,才仅420亿日元,勉强为其对全亚洲211060亿日元总敞口的3%。而且JBIC在该地区的大部分敞口都投入了能源相关务。Moreover, the declining rouble itself further stymies the potential for local manufacturing, given Russia’s much larger industrial economies of scale. Car dealers in Kazakhstan, for example, have slashed retail prices by an average 30 per cent in recent months to compete with a surge in Russian imports.此外,由于俄罗斯工业的规模经济比中亚大得多,卢布汇率下跌进一步阻碍了当地制造业的发展可胀?比如哈萨克斯坦汽车经销商近几个月将零售价平均削减了30%,以与激增的俄罗斯进口汽车竞争。Separately, private sector development and local innovation are difficult to implement even in the region’s more advanced economies, due both to the dominance of the state sector in most countries and the lack of access to credit and capital markets.再有,即便是中亚发展水平较高的经济体,也难以实现私营部门的发展和地方创新。原因有两个,一是国有部门在中亚大多数国家占主导地位;二是缺乏进入信贷和资本市场的渠道。China’s role in widening the economic base中国在扩大中亚经济基础中的作用Diversification is thus largely dependent on an expected massive surge in Chinese investment into the region which, in theory, should help build local industrial capacity and manufacturing supply chains. On paper at least, China has committed to investing .3bn into multiple infrastructure projects across Central Asia.于是中亚经济的多元化很大程度上依赖于一个预期——中国对该地区投资的大量激增。这些投资在理论上应有助于提高当地工业产能,帮助当地建立制造业供应链。至少在纸面上,中国已承诺向整个中亚的多个基础设施项目投资163亿美元。Central Asian states, particularly Kazakhstan, have also embraced the idea of acting as “transit hubsfor manufactured goods between China and Europe. Kazakhstan’s vice president is known to favour Chinese investment and the Astana headquarters of Kazakhstan Temir Zholy, the state-owned railway firm, beams televised pictures of the China-Kazakhstan partnership in the sector onto the streets.中亚国家,特别是哈萨克斯坦,也接受了充当中欧之间商品“转运枢纽”的理念。众所周知,哈萨克斯坦副总理欢迎中国投资,该国国有铁路公司Kazakhstan Temir Zholy位于阿斯塔纳的总部还将中哈在该领域结成合作伙伴关系的电视画面播放到街头。In addition to collecting transit fees on transported goods, this is also expected to result in some manufacturing spillover. A recent Kazakhstan-China investment forum resulted in agreements to establish 20 JV manufacturing projects in sectors such as construction, transport, logistics, and food production.作为转运枢纽,中亚除了可以对转运商品收取过境费,或许还有望享受到中国制造业的溢出。在最近举行的哈中投资论坛的促成下,两国在建筑、交通、物流和粮食生产等领域达成了20个合资制造业项目的协议。Less-developed economies such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which also face greater domestic political uncertainty, are seeking Chinese investment into infrastructure. One major flagship project is a mooted Kyrgyz-China rail project, although this faces both political risks in Kyrgzstan’s democratic environment, as well a clampdown on Kyrgzstan’s re-export trade. The deputy finance minister of Tajikistan, meanwhile, announced that China plans to invest bn into the Tajik economy over the next three years.吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦等欠发达经济体还面临着更大的国内政治不稳定,这些国家正在寻求中国对基础设施的投资。一个主要的旗舰项目是酝酿中吉尔吉斯斯坦-中国铁路项目,尽管该项目除了面临吉尔吉斯斯坦国内民主环境的政治风险,还要面对该国再出口贸易受到打击的风险。与此同时,塔吉克斯坦财政部副部长宣布,中国计划在未来三年向该国投资60亿美元。Turkmenistan also aims to become a regional transit hub in which China has a special investment interest. Kazakhstan in late 2014 inaugurated the first direct railway link connecting Iran with western Kazakhstan via Turkmenistan, to more fully diversify from Russian transit routes to Europe. Positioned as a halfway point, this new route also enables Turkmenistan to act as a gate for traded goods simultaneously between Russia, other post-Soviet states, and southwest Asia.土库曼斯坦也打算成为该地区的交通枢纽,而中国对此拥有特殊的投资兴趣014年底,哈萨克斯坦正式开通了首条经由土库曼斯坦直接连接伊朗与该国西部的铁路,使得交通线路在从俄罗斯到欧洲的线路的基础上,更加多样化。这条新铁路使地处线路中端的土库曼斯坦同时成为俄罗斯以及其他前苏联国家与亚洲西南部国家之间商品贸易的大门。According to Shohrat Kadyrov, a researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Science, Ashgabat is not only a major provider of gas, but also acts as an interlocutor between China and neighbouring states in the negotiation of supranational infrastructure corridors that aim to facilitate economic integration. In this regard, Turkmenistan is using the prospect of retaining its gas market share in China by investing in additional pipelines, which in turns allows it to bargain for infrastructure investments to facilitate the transit of Chinese-produced goods, arguably at Russia and Kazakhstan’s expense.俄罗斯科学院东方研究所(Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Science)研究员肖赫拉#8226;卡德罗夫(Shohrat Kadyrov)认为,土库曼斯坦不仅是天然气的主要供应国,而且还在中国与邻国间关于建设旨在促进经济一体化的跨国基础设施走廊的谈判中,扮演中间对话者的角色。在这方面,土库曼斯坦利用保持其未来在中国天然气市场份额的前景,投资额外的管道建设,并借此争取基础设施投资以便于中国产商品的运输,但这无疑将牺牲俄罗斯和哈萨克斯坦的利益。The importance of Russia俄罗斯的重要性Media attention has mostly focused on the surge in aspirant Chinese investment in the region coming “at the expense of Russia with the economic downturn luring Central Asian governments towards China’s trade and investment prowess.媒体关注主要都集中在中国雄心勃勃的投资在本地区的激增(所谓“挖俄罗斯的墙角”),该地区的经济低迷使得中国的贸易和投资能力对中亚各国政府颇具吸引力。Nevertheless, it is also clear that Russia remains a crucial partner and ally not just for Central Asian states themselves, but for ensuring the stability of China’s investments in the region, in particular its energy supplies.然而,同样清楚的是,不仅对中亚各国自身,而且在确保中国对该地区(特别是能源供应领域)投资的稳定性方面,俄罗斯仍是一个至关重要的合作伙伴和盟友。Indeed, despite the recent pain caused by Central Asia’s economic alliance with Russia, countries such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan appear to be making what amounts to a political decision to join the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union (EEU), which currently includes Kazakhstan, Belarus and, most recently, Armenia. This comes despite the clear evidence in Kazakhstan’s case that its participation in the EEU has not yielded significant economic benefits, as well as the concomitant exposure to Russian domestic political cycles.事实上,尽管中亚与俄罗斯的经济联盟导致了近期的阵痛,但吉尔吉斯斯坦和塔吉克斯坦等国似乎做出了堪称政治决策的决定——加入俄罗斯领导的欧亚经济联Eurasian Economic Union)。该联盟目前包括哈萨克斯坦、白俄罗斯以及最近加入的亚美尼亚。尽管有明确的据表明,哈萨克斯坦的加入并未产生显著的经济效益,而且还会暴露在俄罗斯国内政治周期影响之下,这些国家还是决定加入该联盟。Russia-led structures such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), beyond bland gestures of Sino-Russian geopolitical alliance and common interest, are acquiring real significance through the emphasis on maintaining, expanding, and modernising Russia’s network of military bases in countries such as Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Armenia. Russian bases remain strategic for the security of Central Asian governments themselves, since nearly their entire domestic military budgets go to Russia.俄罗斯领导的组织——如集体安全条约组织(CSTO)——超越了中俄地缘政治同盟和共同利益的单调表态,正在通过强调俄罗斯在吉尔吉斯斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和亚美尼亚的军事基地网络的维护、扩大和现代化,而获得真正的影响力。俄罗斯的军事基地对于中亚各国政府自身的安全仍具有战略意义,因为这些国家几乎所有的军事预算都流向了俄罗斯。In this respect, Sino-Russian co-operation is maintained out of a common interest to keep the Central Asian region stable. Chinese investment is required to buffer stagnant inward foreign direct investment flows into Central Asia from Russia.从这个角度看,中俄合作出于维护中亚地区稳定的共同利益得到维系。中亚地区需要中国的投资以缓冲来自俄罗斯的外国直接投资的停滞。However, Beijing needs Russia to provide security in a politically complex region subject to periodic unrest, as a means to ensure its massive investments into the region’s energy and infrastructure sectors. This is particularly crucial given the security imperatives in China’s own restive Xinjiang province, through which all energy supplies pass.然而,北京方面需要俄罗斯在这个政治形势复杂、受周期性动荡影响的地区提供安全保障,并以此确保中国大规模投资进入该地区的能源和基础设施领域。这种保障尤其关键,特别是考虑到中国在自身桀骜的新疆维吾尔自治区保障安全的必要——所有能源供应都要经过这一地区。This pattern of Sino-Russian cooperation is arguably being replicated elsewhere, such as in the ambitious pending construction of the Nicaragua canal, whereby China will finance the majority and Russia will provide military and other forms of security during the construction process.中俄合作的这种模式无疑正在被复制到其他地方。例如,在雄心勃勃、等待开工的尼加拉瓜运河项目中,中国负责大部分投资,而俄罗斯将在建设过程中提供军事及其他形式的安全保障。While media reports often emphasise the “historical distrustbetween China and Russia, evidenced by long-drawn and sometimes acrimonious negotiations over bilateral gas supply contracts, it is clear that China does not aspire to undermine Russia’s sociopolitical and security influence in the region, while Russia in turn is not resisting China’s economic encroachment into the region. It might be a stretch to call the relationship symbiotic, but it is certainly mutually tolerant.虽然媒体报道经常强调中俄之间“历史上的不信任”,并以两国间旷日持久、时而争吵激烈的天然气供应合同谈判为据,但很明显,中国并不想削弱俄罗斯在中亚社会政治和安全方面的影响力,而俄罗斯反过来也并不抵制中国对该地区的经济渗透。称这种关系为共生关系可能有些牵强,但它们一定相互宽容。Diana Gapak is a Russia/CIS analyst. Daniyar Kosnazarov is a head of Central Asia and Caspian Region department, Geopolitics and Regional Studies Division, The Library of the First President of Kazakhstan. Gavin Bowring is a researcher at Asean Confidential, a research service at the Financial Times.本文作者戴安娜#8226;加帕Diana Gapak)是一位专注于俄罗独联体的分析师。达尼亚#8226;科斯纳扎罗夫(Daniyar Kosnazarov)是哈萨克斯坦第一总统图书The Library of the First President of Kazakhstan)地缘政治和地区研究部(Geopolitics and Regional Studies Division)中亚和里海地区部门负责人。加#8226;鲍令(Gavin Bowring)是英囀?金融时报》旗下研究务机构《东盟投资参考Asean Confidential)研究员。来 /201503/364015Given the decline in Brazil’s fortunes in the past two years, President Dilma Rousseff has pulled off a striking political coup by persuading voters to re-elect her, albeit with a reduced majority. The markets, however, do not appear convinced.尽管得票率较上次大选有所降低,但考虑到巴西过去两年的经济下行,巴西总统迪尔#8226;罗塞Dilma Rousseff)能在本次总统大选中赢得连任已经算是取得了意外的政治成功。不过,市场似乎并不买账。Her economic record since 2012 has been weak, to put it diplomatically. Although battered by global economic winds, India and China are nowhere close to the technical recession Brazil is now experiencing.说得客气点,罗塞夫自2012年以来的经济成绩欠佳。尽管都受到了全球经济风暴的冲击,但印度和中国现在的状况可距巴西所处的技术性衰退有着相当的距离。Inflation has crept above the 6.5 per cent target set by Ms Rousseff’s government. Having experience hyperinflation in the 1980s and 1990s, Brazilians are highly sensitive to this indicator. Last year inflation was behind the rising cost of public services, above all transport; the increase in fares in S#227;o Paulo and Rio were a leading cause of the protests that shook the Brazilian elite.巴西的通胀率已攀升至罗塞夫政府设定的6.5%的目标上方。在经历过上世纪八九十年代的恶性通胀后,巴西人对这一指标非常敏感。去年,通胀推动公共务成本、尤其是交通成本不断上升;圣保罗和里约热内卢交通票价的上涨,是引发撼动巴西精英阶层的抗议运动的主要原因。Those demonstrations highlighted another serious issue Brazil has faced for many years: the sclerosis of political institutions. The protesters made crystal clear that they regarded Ms Rousseff and her Workersparty as very much part of the corrupt establishment.这些例子凸显了巴西多年来面临的另一个严峻问题:政治阶层的腐化。抗议者直截了当地表明,他们把罗塞夫及其所在的巴西劳工Workers Party)视为腐败统治阶层的重要组成部分。Above all, they highlighted widesp unhappiness with political parties. These have long been vehicles for the rent-seeking ambition of members rather than an expression of popular convictions. Then there is the roster of smaller parties that leverage their presence in state and provincial assemblies with an eye on bureaucratic sinecures.最重要的是,这些例子凸显出人们对于政党的普遍不满。长期以来,巴西的政党一直是政客实现其寻租野心的工具,而非表达民意的平台。一些规模较小的政党则利用自身在国会和州议会的存在捞取好处,紧盯着官僚体系内的闲职不放。Ms Rousseff has failed to deliver political reform: she is caught up in the gears of the very machine she says she wants to fix. Her predecessors, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, applied grease in the right places to ensure the machine ran a little smoother, and even to innovate so that it could occasionally do its job. Mr Cardoso broke the inflation spiral and Mr Lula da Silva began the heroic job of lifting tens of millions out of poverty.罗塞夫未能实现政治改革:她正卡在她说想修理的那台机器的齿轮当中。她的前任——费尔南#8226;恩里#8226;卡多Fernando Henrique Cardoso)和路易斯#8226;伊纳西奥#8226;卢拉#8226;达席尔瓦(Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva)——在正确的地方涂抹了一些润滑油,目的在于确保这台机器能够运转得更平顺一点,甚至旨在让其产生一些新的变化、以使其能够偶尔发挥应有的作用。卡多佐破解了螺旋式的通胀,卢#8226;达席尔瓦则启动了让数千万巴西人脱贫的伟大工程。The president’s inability to do the same is rooted in her personality. Daniela Pinheiro, a gifted Brazilian journalist, has written a fascinating profile in monthly magazine Piauí. Ms Pinheiro argues her political style was formed by her life as a revolutionary leftist fighting the military dictatorship in the 1960s and 1970s. For this she was arrested and tortured. Ms Pinheiro es a former minister who says her tendency to act as a member of an underground cell ex#173;plains everything: “A preference for solitude, self-sufficiency, distrust, the control of information, the habit of keeping large sums of money in cash in case of ‘some sort of emergency or other or the habit of sleeping with her shoes on ‘in case she needs to make a quick exit She is still that girl from the 1960s.”罗塞夫未能取得同样的成绩,根本原因在于她的个性。巴西才女记者达妮埃#8226;皮涅Daniela Pinheiro)曾在月刊《Piauí》上撰写过一篇关于罗塞夫的极为精的个人传记。皮涅罗认为,罗塞夫曾在上世纪六七十年代作为一名革命的左翼人士与军事独裁展开斗争,正是这种人生经历塑造了其政治风格。在斗争中,她曾被当局逮捕并遭受严刑拷打。巴西的一名前部长称,罗塞夫喜欢像一名地下监狱的犯人那样行事。皮涅罗引用这名前部长的话称,罗塞夫的这种倾向解释了下面的一切:“喜欢独处,凡事靠自己,不信任别人,对信息有控制欲,习惯存有大量现金以备‘这种或那种’不测,习惯睡觉时不脱鞋,以便随时逃生。她还是活在上世纪六十年代阴影里的那个女孩。”Her personality is a problem. To get things done in Brazilian politics you have to be chummy and form endless networks; you need charisma, you have to be all things to all people. Mr Cardoso and Mr Lula da Silva boast that ability. Indeed, it is highly unlikely Ms Rousseff could have won last month’s election had the latter not decided at last to put his full weight behind her campaign.她的个性是个麻烦。在巴西政坛,你若想解决问题,就必须平易近人并建立庞大的关系网;你要有个人魅力,要八面玲珑。卡多佐和卢#8226;达席尔瓦均具备这种能力。事实上,如若不是卢#8226;达席尔瓦最后决定全力帮助罗塞夫竞选,她上月很可能无法成功连任。Ms Rousseff’s almost Leninist faith in large state-influenced commodity enterprises, such as state-controlled oil company Petrobras or mining conglomerate Vale, has led to the neglect of more dynamic sectors of the manufacturing and service economies. She has let Portuguese colonialism’s bureaucratic traditions stifle innovation more than either of her predecessors. In the World Bank’s rankings for ease of doing business, Brazil stands at a lamentable 120.对于国家掌控的大型大宗商品企业,比如国有控股石油企业巴西国家石油公司(Petrobras)和矿业综合企业淡水河Vale),罗塞夫几乎有着列宁主义式的信仰,也因此忽视了更具活力的制造业和务业。她听任葡萄牙殖民主义官僚传统扼杀创新,这种纵容态度尤甚于她的两位前任。在世界(World Bank)公布的全球营商环境排名中,巴西仅排在20位,着实令人失望。Last week, Ms Rousseff seemed to recognise some shortcomings by promising her new government would be more inclusive. But to reverse the country’s parlous economic state, not to mention the corruption scandal unravelling at Petrobras, she must do one of the hardest things for any older person: change the habits of a lifetime. If not, Brazil faces a rough few years.近日,罗塞夫似乎意识到了一些弊端,承诺她的新政府将更具包容性。然而,为了扭转巴西岌岌可危的经济现状、甚至解决巴西国家石油公司渐渐明朗的腐败丑闻,她必须迈出对任何上了年纪的人来说都很难迈出的一步:改变长久以来的习惯。如果她做不到,巴西未来几年的日子可不好过。来 /201411/341782重庆第二医院开双眼皮多少钱

万州区去老年斑多少钱重庆八院口碑 Fears of a damaging trade war between Russia and the west grew as Moscow banned imports of agricultural and food products and threatened possible sanctions on the#8201;aerospace, shipbuilding and car sectors.人们越来越担心俄罗斯和西方之间爆发一场两败俱伤的贸易战。莫斯科方面出台了针对农产品和食品进口的禁令,并扬言可能对航空航天、造船、汽车等行业实施制裁。Escalating its response to western sanctions over the country’s role in the Ukraine crisis Moscow barred imports of meat, fish, seafood, vegetables, fruit, milk and dairy products from the US, the EU, Australia, Canada and Norway for a year. A range of processed foods are also on the blacklist.对于俄罗斯在乌克兰危机中的角色所招致的西方制裁,莫斯科加大回击力度,禁止从美囀?欧盟、澳大利亚、加拿大和挪威进口肉类、鱼类、海鲜、蔬菜、水果、牛奶和奶制品,为期一年。一系列加工食品也被列入黑名单。Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev confirmed he was “potentially yto introduce protective measures in several industrial sectors.俄罗斯总理德米特里#8226;梅德韦杰Dmitry Medvedev)实,他“潜在准备好”在一些工业部门引入保护措斀?Moscow’s move comes as tensions over Ukraine rise, with Nato warning of a renewed Russian troop build-up on its border with Ukraine and some western governments fretting that Russia could invade under the guise of a humanitarian or peacekeeping mission.莫斯科此举正值乌克兰紧张局势上升。北Nato)警告称,俄军部队在俄乌边境重新集结。一些西方国家政府担心,俄罗斯可能以人道主义或维和行动为幌子入侵乌克兰。Eckhard Cordes, chairman of the Eastern Committee, German industry’s lobby group for eastern Europe, warned of “a descent into mutual economic sanctions which would “exacerbate the aly difficult economic situation in the region德国工业界的东欧游说团体——东方委员会(Eastern Committee)的主席埃克哈#8226;科德Eckhard Cordes)警告称,可能“演变为相互的经济制裁……使该地区本已困难的经济形势进一步恶化”。来 /201408/320044石柱土家族自治县背部脱毛

重庆割双眼皮推荐医院Shinzo Abe’s plans to allow Japanese forces to defend allies have drawn fire from Beijing, which has accused Tokyo of “undermining regional peace and stability But they have also heightened tensions back home.安倍晋Shinzo Abe)让日本自卫队保卫盟友的计划招致中国批评,被指“损害地区和平稳定”。但安倍的计划也在日本国内加剧了紧张气氛。Since the prime minister started public briefings on the move last month, his cabinet’s approval rating has sagged to 45 per cent, the lowest rating since it was formed in December 2012.自这位日本首相上月就此举开始公开吹风以来,他的内阁的持率已跌至45%,这是安倍政府自20122月组建以来最低的。Polls taken by three national dailies within the past week showed that at least half of respondents opposed the idea of Japan exercising its right to collective self-defence, with a third or fewer in favour.三份全国性日报在过去一周进行的民意调查显示,至少一半受访者反对日本行使集体自卫权的主意,三分之一或更少的受访者赞同。On Sunday a man set himself alight on a pedestrian footbridge in the busy Tokyo district of Shinjuku, having spent an hour denouncing Mr Abe’s plans through a megaphone, said eyewitnesses. He was taken to hospital but his condition is unknown.目击者称,上周日,一名男子在通过扩音器谴责安倍的计划一小时后,在东京繁忙的新宿区的一座人行天桥上自焚。此人后被送往医院,但目前状况不详。Thousands took to the streets near parliament on Monday and yesterday, some waving posters depicting Mr Abe with a swastika tattoo#8201;and#8202;Hitler#8201;moustache.周一和周二,成千上万人走上街头,在日本国会附近抗议,其中一些人举着安倍晋三刻着纳粹纹身、留着希特勒式小胡子的海报。Many Japanese are not fundamentally opposed to what Mr Abe is attempting to do. The prime minister’s more assertive foreign policy including the visit last December to the Yasukuni shrine, where Japan’s wartime leaders are honoured has played well among voters. And some see problems with existing restrictions on the country’s Self-Defence Forces. At the moment, for example, troops on overseas relief missions are allowed to discharge their weapons only if they themselves come under fire.很多日本人并不是从根本上反对安倍试图采取的行动。这位日本首相更为自信的外交政策——包括去2月参拜供奉日本战死者亡灵的靖国神社(Yasukuni shrine)——在选民中反响不错。同时,一些人认为,日本自卫队目前面临的限制确实存在各种问题。例如,目前在海外执行救灾任务的自卫队部队只有在自己遭遇敌方火力的情况下,才被允许使用武器还击。“If NGOs very close to Japanese camps are attacked, the SDF may not be able to help,says Yoshiki Mine, a former diplomat in charge of talks with North Korea. “This is very, very odd.”“如果非常靠近日方营地的非政府组织遭到攻击,自卫队未必能提供帮助,”曾负责与朝鲜谈判的前外交官美根庆树(Yoshiki Mine)表示,“这是非常、非常奇怪的。”But many resent the way the prime minister has gone about it. Critics argue that the shift amounts to, in effect, a rewriting of Japan’s constitution, but without any attempt to clear the requisite hurdle of a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament, followed by a national referendum.但是,很多日本人对首相在这件事上的具体做法不满。批评者提出,解禁集体自卫权实际上是对日本宪法的重写,但并没有寻求按正式程序在国会两院以超过三分之二的多数票通过、然后举行全民公投。Article 9 of the constitution states that “the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes The charter has not been revised since it was adopted in 1947.日本宪法第九条声明:“日本国民衷心谋求基于正义与秩序的国际和平,永远放弃以国家权力发动的战争、使用武力或武力威胁作为解决国际争端的手段。”这部宪法自1947年通过以来从未修订。The Japanese are still “very attached to the principle of pacifism in the postwar regime says Jiro Yamaguchi, a professor of political science at Hosei University, who is among a group of more than 500 scholars opposed to the move. “We are against the amendment of the constitution without formal procedures.”日本法政大Hosei University)政治学教授山口二Jiro Yamaguchi)是00名反对此举的学术界人士之一。他表示,日本人仍然“非常重视战后政权的和平主义原则……我们反对不走正式程序的修宪行为。”Mr Abe’s supporters claim the SDF’s looser mandate is nothing to be afraid of. Shinichi Kitaoka, a former Japanese ambassador to the UN who served as the deputy chairman of a panel advising on reinterpreting the constitution, says the shift should be seen as a continuation of the government’s efforts to beef up its defence policy, including the creation last year of a US-style national security council and the introduction of tougher laws to penalise leaks of classified information.安倍的持者称,放宽自卫队的权限没什么可怕的。日本前驻联合国大使、就重新解释宪法提供建议的顾问委员会副主席北冈伸一(Shinichi Kitaoka)表示,这一转变应被视为政府加强国防政策的努力的延续,这些努力包括去年组建一个美国式的国家安全委员会,以及出台惩罚泄密的更严厉法律。Mr Kitaoka also notes that there have been reinterpretations of the constitution before, allowing Japan to establish the SDF in 1954, for example, and to support US forces overseas in 2001. But to many, defending allies even when Japan itself is not under direct attack stretches the definition of the “minimumlevel of armed strength enshrined in Japan’s fundamental concepts of national defence.北冈还指出,以前也有对宪法的重新解释,比954年允许日本建立自卫队,以001年允许自卫队在海外援美军。但对许多人来说,在日本自身没有直接受到攻击的情况下去保卫盟国,这与日本国防根本概念中神圣不可侵犯的“最低”水平军力的定义实在难以吻合。“It is reckless that [Mr Abe] rushed to decide on this very important issue without thorough discussions,says Shigeaki Matsuda, a 66-year-old exhibition curator who joined the protest yesterday. “There is no democracy here.”“(安倍)在未经深入讨论的情况下,匆忙在这个非常重要的问题上做出决定,这很鲁莽,”昨日参加抗议的66岁的展览策划人Shigeaki Matsuda表示,“这里没有民主。”Prospects for a legal challenge are not encouraging, as Japan’s Supreme Court has a history of deferring to the government on security matters. So as Mr Abe tries to push supporting legislation through the Diet in coming sessions, says Prof Yamaguchi, the onus falls on opposition parties to mount a challenge. “We’ll keep fighting,he says.法律挑战的前景并不令人鼓舞,因为日本最高法院在安全事项上曾多次顺从政府。因此,法政大学的山口教授表示,在安倍接下来试图推动国会持配套立法之际,只有依靠反对党来发起挑战。“我们将继续斗争,”他说。来 /201407/309872 Cynthia Breazeal has never considered herself a woman entrepreneur. An entrepreneur? Yes. A leader? Certainly. But gender really has never come into play as she expanded her company Jibo, the maker of the world’s first family robot.辛西娅o布雷西亚从来不认为自己是女创业家。创业家?是的。领导者?当然。但她在带领公司Jibo蓬勃发展的时候,从来没有受到性别问题的影响。Jibo是世界第一款家用机器人的制造商。Still, today is Women’s Entrepreneur Day, a global movement to celebrate and support female founders and shed light on some of their challenges. So Fortune interviewed Breazeal, as well as Susan Coelius Keplinger, the co-founder of online ad platform Triggit, about their experiences building their respective companies from scratch. Both women are part of Fortune’s 2014 class of Most Promising Entrepreneurs.今天是女性创业日,作为一项全球性活动,“女性创业日”的目的是鼓励和持女性创业者,了解她们遇到的挑战。因此,《财富》杂志(Fortune)采访了布雷西亚和在线广告平台Triggit的联合创始人克利乌斯o凯普林格,了解她们白手起家进行创业的经历。两人均被评为《财富014年“最有前途的创业家”(Most Promising Entrepreneurs)。“The world would certainly be a better place if we had more women entrepreneurs,said Breazeal. “Women are going to bring a different angle to startups. The stereotype is that it is all young geeky guys and that is not true. It is critical for women to become entrepreneurs because of their unique perspective.”布雷西亚说道:“如果有更多女性投身创业,我们的世界将变得更好。女性将从不同的角度来诠释创业。人们总是认为,进行创业的都是年轻的书呆子们,这是错误的。女性参与创业的关键就在于她们的独特视角。”Edited excerpts:以下是经过编辑的采访内容摘录:Fortune: Give me a little background on your company.《财富》:简单介绍一下你的公司吧。Susan Coelius Keplinger: We started the company in 2005, and we started doing similar things with ads that we are doing now. It didn’t make sense to us why an advertisement on Yahoo’s homepage would sell for hundreds of dollars, but an ad on a blog shown to the same person would be some for 40 cents. If it is really about the person and the audience, it shouldn’t matter what page that person it on. We are trying to build products and get access to an audience regardless of the site itself.苏珊o克利乌斯o凯普林格:我们在2005年成立了这家公司,最初的业务与现在类似,都与广告有关。当时我们不明白为什么雅虎(Yahoo)主页上的一则广告可以卖到数百美元,而出现在客上的广告却只0美分,即便可能是同样的人在看这些广告。如果说广告的关键是受众,那与受众浏览的页面又有什么关系?我们正努力开发一些产品,向受众展示广告,而不必考虑网站本身的差异。Cynthia Breazeal: Jibo is building the world’s first family robot. It’s like R2D2 and an iPad had a baby. It’s the world’s first social robot. I founded the company in 2012 and now is the time to bring it to the world.辛西娅o布雷西亚:Jibo正在生产全球第一款家用机器人。这款机器人是R2D2和iPad的结合体。这是全世界第一款社交机器人。我012年成立了这家公司,现在正在努力将它推向全世界。How would you describe the stage that your company is at right now?你如何描述公司目前所处的阶段?SK: It’s the rise of native advertising [advertorials, essentially], but less so from a deceptive standpoint. We have fallen into this really cool space. It used to be that people thought online advertising would never work because it wasn’t good for the user experience. Now we are evolving toward an experience where advertising doesn’t stand in opposition with the content. If the ads are good, you’ll engage with them.SK:目前公司处在原生广告[实质上是社论式广告]增长的阶段,但并非从欺骗性的角度。我们现在已经进入了这一很酷的阶段。以前人们认为在线广告不会成功,因为在线广告的用户体验较差。而现在我们正在开发一种全新的体验,使广告不会与内容冲突。只要是好广告,就一定能吸引受众。CB: Now we are going from the prototype to the actual manufacturer. Making that switch is the main focus right now, as well as finishing the software and getting the hardware manufactured. We are also looking to develop our developer community. We are busy. It is a lot of engineering, but we are cranking through it all.CB:现在我们正在从原型设计转向实际生产。这是我们目前的重中之重,其他工作还包括完成软件开发,进行硬件生产等。此外,我们计划培养自己的开发者社区。我们非常忙碌。有大量的工程设计工作要做,我们将全力以赴。What were some of your initial challenges raising your first round of funding?进行第一轮融资时遇到了哪些挑战?SK: As much as it wasn’t fun raising money in the middle of the recession, it is what enabled us to succeed. At the time there were not as many companies getting started. We raised million in angel funds that helped us create and find a business. We used that as largely innovation money, so when we went to VCs for our first funding round we were y to create a product and enter the market. It’s important to find people that want to invest in you and are willing to change our strategy a bunch and help you find a product that works. I think a lot of people write off that support. If you can find seed investors, angel investors who really believe you, there is not a better situation.SK:虽然在经济衰退的形势下进行融资并不轻松,但这却是我们成功的关键。当时创业公司没有现在那么多。我们从天使基金那里获得00万美元,这笔资金帮助我们创建了一家公司。我们将那笔投资大部分用作创新资金,所以,在首轮风投融资时,我们已经开发出一款产品,并准备将其推向市场。重要的是找到想要给你投资,并且愿意改变我们的策略并协助找到一款有效产品的人。找到愿意相信你的种子投资者,没有比这更美好的事情了。CB: The first round was a seed round. I was actually approached by a partner within a VC firm, and the partner felt that there was an opportunity around a new product category of robots in the home. We started talking because of my expertise in robotics, and I was at a point in my carer where I was interested in commercializing the work that I had done academically [Breazeal is an associate professor of media arts and sciences at MIT]. Things move really fast pace in the entrepreneur world and time is money. You are having to make the best decisions you can with incomplete information.CB:第一轮是种子投资。当时有一家风险投资公司的合伙人找到我,他认为一款新型家用机器人产品中蕴含着商机。因为我拥有机器人科学的专业知识,并且我当时也很有兴趣将学术上的成果商业化[布雷西亚是麻省理工学院(MIT)媒体艺术与科学副教授],因此我们开始交谈。在创业领域,形势瞬息万变,时间就是金钱。你必须在信息不全面的情况下,做出最好的决定。What are some of the biggest myths about being a ‘woman entrepreneur作为“女性创业家”,你遇到的最大的误解是什么?SK: There are plenty of stories, and I have been in plenty of situations when I was younger, where male investors wanted to sleep with me and they didn’t want to do business with me. Yes, there are some bad eggs out there that are men, but there are some women who are equally as snotty. Sexism exists, especially if you are young and good looking, but those are not the type of people you want to be around anyway. I don’t know how to make an asexual society. We are in a time right now when a huge set of swell is coming. There are a bunch of waves that are terrible that you don’t want to ride, but there are also a bunch of awesome waves that seem crazy but you be great if you got on top of them. If you go to raise money and you find a guy that is an ass, move on. You have to remember that even if you have a good idea, people could still say no 100 times.SK:我遭遇过的误解有很多。在我年轻的时候,经常遇到有些男性投资者只想跟我上床,而不是跟我做生意。没错,有些男人非常无耻,但也有一些女性令人厌恶。对女性的性别歧视确实存在,尤其是对年轻貌美的女性,但你肯定不想围着这类人转悠。我不知道如何实现一个无性别歧视的社会。如今,我们就像站在一波汹涌袭来的巨浪前面一样。有些海浪令人望而生畏,你不想卷入其中,而有一些海浪看起来很可怕,但如果你能乘风破浪站在浪尖,那将是很棒的感觉。如果你在融资的时候遇到一个卑鄙小人,这时你应该放下这件事,继续前进。你必须要记住,即便你有很好的想法,还是会不断遭到拒绝。CB: I think I am lucky because I am trying to do something that has never been done before, so the focus is on that and not me and my gender. My credibility is not in question here. So the focus is on where it needs to be which is what we are trying to do. I have always been on the forefront of innovation, so the attention has always been on the robots I built rather than on me. I think being an entrepreneur is hard no matter what gender you are.CB:我很幸运,因为我在做的事情之前从未有人做过,因此人们更加关注这一点,而不是我本人或我的性别。我的信誉毋庸置疑。于是人们将注意力放到了应该关注的地方——我们在做的事情。我一直都在创新的最前沿,所以我开发的机器人比我本身更引人关注。我认为,创业是一个艰难的过程,这与性别无关。What advice do you have for female entrepreneurs just starting out?你对刚刚起步的女性创业者有什么建议?SK: Learning how to be comfortable with risk and failure is really important. If you are not comfortable with failure, it can really be so scary. If you know that those small failures are Okay, then suddenly it does not become so scary. You want to be calculated about the risks that you take.SK:学会坦然面对风险和失败非常重要。如果你不能坦然面对失败,你只会对它心怀恐惧。如果你知道这些小失败没什么大不了,突然之间你会发现失败变得不再可怕。你需要提前认真考虑自己要承担的风险。CB: The thing that fascinated me about women, is that women just make it work. We juggle a crazy amount of things and we make it work. So much of launching your own startup is dealing with all the things that come at your from all these angles and you have to make it work. Women aly do that every day. I don’t think women should be intimated by it, I think they should think they are at an advantage.CB:身为女性,让我自豪的是,我们总是能让事情正常运行起来。我们要尽力应付各种各样的事情,而且最终总能将其解决。而创业很大程度上就是处理从不同方面交到你手里的事务,并且你必须将这些事情妥善解决。其实,女性每天都在这样做。我认为女性不应对此感到害怕,而是应该将其作为自己的优势 /201411/344399重庆那家医院做双眼皮重医附二院挂号预约

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