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明星资讯腾讯娱乐2020年01月24日 10:19:32
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摘要:伦敦特拉法加广场本周一上演了一场不同寻常的新式艺术秀,除了战争英雄和国王的重要雕像之外,广场上还有一个空基座,数名公众轮流在上面站立一小时。London's Trafalgar Square got an unusual new artwork to go alongside its historic sculptures of war heroes and kings Monday -- an empty plinth where members of the public stand for an hour at a time.The project is the brainchild of artist Antony Gormley and will see 2,400 people stand on the empty plinth for an hour at a time, 24 hours a day, between now and October 14.Gormley says it aims to paint a picture of modern Britain -- and provide a contrast with the monuments to historic figures like Admiral Nelson and King George IV which surround it."It's not about the past, it's not about the dead, it's not about war, it's about now and about later," Gormley told reporters."I hope that we're going to learn... the things we find funny, the things we find scary, the things we fear and the things we love and that's the idea."It's a composite portrait of the UK now in all its wonderful, multicultural difference."Those taking part had varied plans for their hour in the limelight. /200907/76908

  

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  Simple. Everything should be easy to prepare and not take long. We don’t want to be slaving over the stove — 10 minutes of prep time or cooking is long enough. And we don’t want a million ingredients. 简单:所需要的东西便于准备,并且不会花费太长的时间。我们可不想在花费10多分钟去准备,也不希望做成需要很长时间。我们也不想要什么都包括在一顿饭中。 /201005/103106

  After years of being badgered by her parents to get married, 26-year-old Zhang Yu finally had enough.在被父母逼婚了几年以后,26岁的张玉(音译)终于不想再忍受了。;I have decided never to marry or have a child,; said Zhang, a university graduate from Changsha, Hunan province, who moved to Shanghai earlier this year to escape her family and jumpstart her career.“我决定一辈子不结婚,不要孩子,” 张玉说。她毕业于湖南长沙的一所大学,今年年初为了躲避父母的逼婚搬到了上海,专注自己的职业生涯。Zhang#39;s vow to never marry is rare in a country where educated women are constantly told by their families, friends and the state media that they will be lonely and miserable if they do not find a husband quickly.在这个国家,受过教育的女性通常会从亲朋好友和社会舆论那里听到:如果她们不找一个丈夫,会很孤独,很悲惨,所以像张玉这样永不结婚的宣言并不常见。Yet some women are fighting back by rejecting marriage altogether.但是一些女性以集体拒绝婚姻来发起反抗。Zhang had been living with her parents in Hunan to save money after obtaining her college degree, and for a time, fell sway to her parents#39; worries that she would become a ;leftover woman; (or ;shengnv; in Chinese,) officially defined as an urban, educated woman over age 27 who is single. But upon ing feminist websites, she came to believe the term existed to make women return to the home.为了供张玉上大学,父母和她在湖南省吃俭用。现在父母一度担心她会成为“剩女”,即过了27岁还未结婚的受教育程度较高的都市女性。但是当她浏览了很多女权主张的网站后,她开始相信“剩女” 这个词是为了使女性回归家庭。She then took a risk by moving to Shanghai without a job and leaving the comforts of home for a dorm room shared with nine other roommates. But she loves her new friends and sense of freedom.她决定冒次险:还没找到工作她就搬去了上海,离开了舒适温暖的家,却住在了一个十人的宿舍里。但她十分喜欢这些新朋友和自由的感觉。;Men are still thinking in the old ways, but women#39;s values have evolved. I feel very relaxed now,; said Zhang, who just received a sales job offer.“男人们还在用旧的方式思考,但是女人的价值观已经改变了。我觉得现在很轻松,” 张玉说,她刚刚得到了一份销售工作。Lan Fang, a 32-year-old client relations manager for a financial company in Shanghai, similarly embraces her single lifestyle. She enjoys a relatively high income of 20,000 RMB a month (around US,200) and often goes out with friends to dinners, movies and concerts.32岁的兰芳(音译)是上海某金融公司的一名客户关系经理,也享受着她的单身生活。她收入相对较高,每月月薪两万人民币,经常和朋友出去聚餐、看电影、听音乐会。;Where I grew up in Nanjing, I saw so many couples getting into big fights, and most of them seemed unhappy. Plus, so many men have affairs,; Lan said. ;My life in Shanghai now is very rich, why would I want to change it?;“我在南京长大,看过太多夫妻吵吵闹闹,大多数看起来并不幸福。还有,很多男人都有外遇,”兰芳说,“我现在在上海的生活很富裕,为什么要改变呢?” /201308/253677

  In 2005 Robert Zoellick, as US deputy secretary of state, proposed that China might play the role of “responsible stakeholder” in shaping the international agenda. Despite its rise, most observers now do not see Beijing playing this role. China is often seen as unco-operative on issues ranging from trade and investment flows to intellectual property rights, climate change and the acquisition of natural resources. This has created the impression that Beijing is more inclined to use its clout to advance core interests than strengthen partnerships.2005年时任美国副国务卿的罗伯特#8226;佐利克(Robert Zoellick)提出,中国应在国际事务领域扮演“负责任的利益相关方”角色。虽然中国日渐崛起,但绝大多数观察家目前并未看到中国担负起这一职责。在贸易与投资流动、知识产权、气候变化以及自然资源采购等问题上,中国常被看做是一个不愿合作的国家。这给外界留下了一种印象,即中国政府更愿意运用自身政治影响力来增进核心利益,而非加强伙伴关系。Some observers have interpreted President Xi Jinping’s “China dream” to mean that he will adopt a more nationalistic policy. But in advance of his first state trips to Russia and Africa, he stressed that his country’s great national renewal” would benefit the world and that “as its strength increases, it will assume more international responsibilities”.某些观察家把中国国家主席习近平提出的“中国梦”解读为,这意味着习近平将采取一种更具民族主义色的执政风格。但在对俄罗斯和非洲进行首次国事访问之前,习近平强调说,中华民族的伟大复兴将有益于整个世界,“随着国力不断增强,中国将承担更多国际责任”。Mr Zoellick may have been right, just a decade premature. Evolving circumstances could lead China to becoming a responsible stakeholder but much will depend on its actions and those of western powers.佐利克或许是对的,但他的提议较现实超前了十年。国际局势的不断演进可能促使中国成为一个“负责任的利益相关方”,但这在很大程度上将取决于中国自身与西方大国的行动。The nation is becoming a more “normal” economy – relying less on centrally driven investments in moving to a more market-driven growth path. But normality means slower growth and greater vulnerability to cycles. The country can no longer maintain stability by controlling interest and exchange rates and limiting capital movements, while internationalising the renminbi involves greater risks.中国正在逐步成为一个更加正常的经济体,较少依赖于中央主导型投资,转向以市场驱动为主的增长路径。但“正常”意味着经济增速的放缓以及更易受到经济周期波动影响。中国无法继续依靠控制利率和汇率以及限制资本流动来保持经济稳定,而人民币国际化则蕴含着更大的风险。The result is that Beijing’s instincts are reactive rather than designed to forge long-term solutions. Its economic success is pushing it to act as a leading power prematurely.由此产生的结果是,中国政府的才能仅限于应对当下问题,而不适于设计长期解决方案。中国的经济成就正迫使中国过早地像一个世界主要大国那样行事。China’s tensions with the west intensified as its trade surpluses surged in the past decade. These surpluses have been depicted as the result of exchange rate manipulation and unfair subsidies.近十年来,随着中国贸易顺差规模的快速增长,中国与西方关系的紧张程度加剧。贸易顺差被外界描绘为中国操纵本国汇率以及实施不公平贸易补贴的结果。But country’s long history also affects its thinking. It is a returning economic power – one that accounted for 30 per cent of global production two centuries ago but saw its share fall to less than 5 per cent by 1950. Even today at 15 per cent it is only half of what it once was. Moreover, China’s ability to escape the middle-income trap is not guaranteed. Only a handful of middle-income countries have made the transition in the past four decades, and none with China’s formidable handicaps. Foremost among these is that the country will become old before becoming rich, with the needs of the elderly representing a huge financial burden.悠久的历史对中国的思维方式也有影响。中国是一个正在复兴的经济大国。在两个世纪以前,中国在全球总产值中所占比重高达30%,但到1950年,这一比重降至不足5%。即使如今中国在全球总产值中所占比重已回升至15%,但也依然仅是过去的二分之一。此外,中国并不一定有能力避开中等收入陷阱。在过去的四十年中,成功实现转型的中等收入国家屈指可数,而且没有一个具有像中国这样难以克的不利条件。其中最主要的困难在于,中国社会将未富先老,对老年人的福利出将带来沉重的财政负担。Many observers do not appreciate that China ranks only 90th internationally in per capita income. China also recognises the reality that if it succumbs to a debilitating economic crisis, adequate external financial support is unlikely to materialise because of its sheer size.按人均国民收入计算,中国在全球仅名列第90位,很多观察家不正视这一点。中国也意识到,如果经受不住经济危机的负面影响,自身过于庞大的经济规模将使其不太可能获得充足的外部财政持。All this suggests the nation may not be y to move into the role of a responsible stakeholder. But more positive outcomes are possible as its status in the international financial system is recalibrated to reflect its enhanced standing.所有这些都表明,中国或许还没有准备好担当起“负责任的利益相关方”的角色。但如果中国在国际金融体系中的地位得到重估,以反映其影响力的提升,那么就有可能产生更为积极的结果。Beijing has incentives to support more open markets domestically and fight protectionism. This would help counter criticisms of its trade practices and put pressure on those countries inclined to raise barriers.中国政府愿意持进一步开放国内市场和打击保护主义。这将有助于回击对中国贸易举措的批评,并给那些有意提高贸易壁垒的国家以压力。Nudging China in the direction of becoming a responsible stakeholder will gain momentum if Beijing has more say in the system. There are lessons from the way that the US has been pushing the trans-Pacific Partnership. If it had been more flexibly designed, China might have seen itself as having a stake in developing a productive outcome.如果中国在国际体系内拥有更多的发言权,将有助于推动中国朝着成为一个负责任的利益相关方的方向迈进。美国推动跨太平洋伙伴关系协定的方式值得借鉴。如果当时的机制设计更为灵活,中国或许会把取得更有建设性的结果看作与自身利益密切相关。Criticism of China’s economic policies affects Beijing’s perception of itself if it believes it is suffering from a system not of its making. The key is convincing China that its interests are best served by forging solutions through compromise and co-operation and reassuring Beijing that its concerns will be heard.如果中国认为一个自身在其中说不上话的体系正损及本国利益,那么对于中国经济政策的批评将影响中国对自身的认知。问题的关键在于说中国相信,通过妥协与合作形成解决方案是最符合中国自身利益的,此外还应打消中国方面的疑虑,使其相信自身的担忧将得到倾听。The writer is a senior associate at the Carnegie Endowment and a former World Bank director for China本文作者为美国卡内基国际和平基金会(Carnegie Endowment)高级研究员,曾任世界(World Bank)中国业务局局长 /201304/232959

  The world#39;s second-largest initial public offering this year after Facebook had a good start last week. Shares in palm-oil producer Felda Global Ventures have jumped 16% following its Thursday debut on Malaysia#39;s stock exchange. 马来西亚棕榈油企业Felda Global Ventures上周四在该国券交易所公开上市以后股价大涨16%。作为今年排在Facebook之后的全球第二大首次公开募股(IPO)交易,Felda上周的亮相可以说相当抢眼。 What is happening at Felda that is so different from Facebook, whose shares are down almost 20% since its shares were listed in May? Facebook自今年5月上市以来,股价已累计下跌近20%。是什么原因导致Felda上市后的表现与Facebook大相径庭? Of course, there is price. Facebook#39;s much-hyped listing valued the company at more than 100 times next year#39;s expected earnings. Felda#39;s IPO priced it in line with peers at about 14 times next year#39;s estimated profits. That may have left some value on the table. 毋庸置疑的是,双方的差别之一在于发行价。Facebook大肆炒作的上市方案给该公司定下的估值水平是其明年预期盈利的100多倍。而Felda在IPO中定下的估值水平和同行大致相当,约为其明年预期利润的14倍。这样的定价水平给股价未来的上涨留有一定空间。 Beyond valuation, though, buyers of either stock should consider their fellow investors. Facebook insiders - employees and early investors - hold about three-quarters of the shares. Most of those are locked up for six months. That is a drag on the share price because it suggests a flood of stock could hit the market when the lockup period expires. 不过,除了估值,两只股票的买家都应该考虑其他投资者的情况。Facebook的内部人士(员工和早期投资者)持有大约四分之三的股份。其中大部分股票的限售期为六个月。这对Facebook股价的上涨形成拖累,因为这意味着当限售期结束时将有大批股票涌入市场。 In Asia, too, lockups are common. But it is often so-called cornerstone investors, typically institutional investors, who agree to buy big blocks of shares and hold them for a set period. That reassures individual investors. In a bull market, cornerstone investors are eager to sign up because they know they can turn a profit down the line. Recently, however, volatile markets have made it tougher to pin down blue-chip investors, which is one reason why this year has seen a record number of IPOs by value pulled in Asia. 在亚洲市场,规定新股限售期的做法也很常见。受限售期约束的往往是所谓“基础投资者”(一般都是机构投资者),这些投资者同意买入大量股份并在一定时间内持有,这能起到稳定个人投资者信心的作用。在牛市中,基础投资者急于签订入股协议,因为他们明白未来换手能有利可图。然而最近波动的市场令成功签下基础投资者的难度加大,这也是今年亚洲地区推迟上市的公司数量创下纪录的原因之一。 Felda bucked that trend partly because of the seeming stability of its locked-in investors. Post-IPO, about 70% of Felda#39;s shares are owned by the Malaysian federal government, state governments and a group of investors dominated by a handful of state pension funds. The cornerstone investors and the states can#39;t sell for six months. But unlike fickle venture funds and employees who hold Facebook, state pension funds and local governments are less likely to quickly flip their shares. Felda能逆势上涨的部分原因是其基础投资者看上去较为稳定。IPO之后,Felda大约70%的股份由马来西亚联邦政府、州政府以及其他一些投资机构(以州养老基金为主)持有。基础投资者和州政府在六个月内不能出售股票。但和善变的风投基金以及持有Facebook股票的员工不同,州养老基金和地方政府不太可能迅速将持有的股票换手。 Less than a third of Felda#39;s IPO shares were sold to domestic individual investors, Malaysian and regional institutions, local funds or high net-worth individuals approved as investors by Malaysia#39;s trade ministry. 在Felda此次发行的新股中,只有不到三分之一的股票卖给了国内个人投资者、马来西亚中央和地方机构、当地基金或经马来西亚贸工部审批被视为高净值个人的投资者。 There certainly are reasons for investors to be cautious about Felda. Like Facebook, Felda#39;s profits fell in the final reporting period before its listing. Felda says revenue will be flat for the next three or four years. Macquarie also notes that Felda#39;s palms are lower yielding than rivals and says margins at its downstream refining operations are likely to come under pressure from competitors in Indonesia. 投资者当然有理由对Felda持谨慎态度。和Facebook一样,在上市前的最后一个报告期内Felda的利润出现下滑。Felda表示未来三到四年公司营收将保持平稳。麦格理(Macquarie)还指出,Felda的棕榈油产量低于竞争对手,其下游炼油业务的利润率可能面临来自印尼竞争对手的压力。 But an overhang from locked-in shareholders isn#39;t a big concern. Malaysia#39;s government is keen for Felda#39;s IPO to be a success. Locked up or otherwise, government shareholders are unlikely to make a swift exit.但投资者不必过于担心基础投资者会尽快将手中股票转手卖出的问题。马来西亚政府渴望看到Felda的IPO能取得成功。无论是否存在限售期,政府股东都不大可能迅速退出。 /201207/189182

  

  There is no question that China significantly increased the leverage in its economy to counter the global financial crisis. A surge in credit was the single most important part of the government#39;s vaunted stimulus programme: new lending by state-owned banks from 2008-10 was about 60 percent of gross domestic product. 毫无疑问,为了应对全球金融危机,中国大幅提高了经济中的杠杆。信贷激增构成了政府高调刺激方案的最重要组成部分:2008年到2010年,国有新增贷款约为国内生产总值(GDP)的60%。 Some economists say they are less concerned about how much leverage China has than at the speed of the rise in China#39;s leverage. 一些经济学家表示,相比中国的杠杆规模,他们更加担忧的是中国杠杆增加的速度。 UBS economist Wang Tao has noted that an increase of 40 percentage points in a country#39;s credit-to-GDP ratio over five years correlates very well with financial crises. In China, there has been an increase of 40 percentage points in the past three years alone. 瑞银(UBS)经济学家汪涛指出,一个国家的信贷与GDP比率在五年之内增长40个百分点,通常与金融危机有很大关联。而在中国,仅过去三年这一比率就增长了40个百分点。 This ;needs to stop soon and reverse in the coming few years,; she says. For the government to follow a path of sustainable growth, it should ensure that banking sector credit grows by less than nominal GDP, she adds. 她说:;未来几年,这种趋势需要立即停止并有所逆转。;她接着指出,政府如果要走上可持续发展道路,就应该确保信贷增长低于名义GDP增速。 Put another way, China still has scope to lever up more if it so chooses – but such a choice could lead to big trouble down the road. 换句话说,中国仍然有提高杠杆的空间,如果它要做如是选择的话,但这样的选择可能会在未来带来大麻烦。 For much of this year, even as signs of an economic slowdown mounted, Beijing opted for the prudent course and continued its moderate monetary tightening, despite howls of protest from real estate developers and investors. 即使经济放缓迹象增多,今年大部分时候中国政府还是走谨慎道路,继续其适度紧缩的货币政策,尽管房地产开发商和投资者表达了强烈的不满。 But over the past month, it has again prodded banks to ramp up their lending, a move which is eerily reminiscent of the credit spree that it is just now coming down from. 但在过去的一个月,中国政府再次敦促增加信贷,此举令人恐惧地联想到其刚刚走出的;信贷狂欢;。 Worried by this possibility, economists have taken to reminding Beijing that it can easily afford a traditional fiscal boost (for example, government deficit spending on initiatives such as health and education) and that it must resist the easy solution of simply calling on the country#39;s banks to pump out credit. 出于对这种可能性的担忧,经济学家提醒中国政府,完全可以采取传统的财政刺激政策(比如政府在医疗和教育方面的赤字出),而且,一定不能仅仅通过促使本国增加信贷来解决问题。 ;China again has space for a forceful response if necessary, but, this time, on-budget fiscal stimulus should be the main line of defense,; the International Monetary Fund has warned. 国际货币基金组织(IMF)警示:;中国仍然有在必要情况下采取有力应对措施的空间,但这一次,预算内的财政刺激举措应该是主要的防护措施。; /201207/189430

  

  

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