时间:2019年06月27日 14:21:35

Pearl Harbor Address to the NationMr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the ed States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.The ed States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the ed States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the ed States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the ed States have aly formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation.As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the ed States and the Japanese empire.美国罗斯福总统致国会请对日宣战咨文:副总统先生、议长先生、参众两院各位议员:昨天, 1941年12月7日;;必须永远记住这个耻辱的日子;;美利坚合众国受到了日本帝国海空军突然的蓄意的进攻。美国和日本是和平相处的,根据日本的请求仍在同它的政府和天皇进行会谈,以期维护太平洋和平。实际上,就在日本空军中队已经开始轰炸美国瓦湖岛之后的一小时,日本驻美国大使还向我们的国务卿提交了对美国最近致日方信函的正式答复。虽然复函声称继续现行外交谈判似已无用,但并未包含有关战争或武装进攻的威胁或暗示。历史将会明,夏威夷距日本这么遥远,表明这次进攻是经过许多天或甚至许多个星期精心策划的。在此期间,日本政府蓄意以虚伪的声明和表示继续维护和平的愿望来欺骗美国。昨天对夏威夷岛的进攻给美国海陆军部队造成了严重的损害。我遗憾地告诉各位,很多美国人丧失了生命,此外,据报,美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁(檀香山)之间的公海上也遭到了鱼雷袭击。昨天,日本政府已发动了对马来亚的进攻。昨夜,日本军队进攻了香港。昨夜,日本军队进攻了关岛。昨夜,日本军队进攻了菲律宾群岛。昨夜,日本人进攻了威克岛。今晨,日本人进攻了中途岛。因此,日本在整个太平洋区域采取了突然的攻势。昨天和今天的事实不言自明。美国的人民已经形成了自己的见解,并且十分清楚这关系到我们国家的安全和生存的本身。作为陆海军,总司令,我已指示,为了我们的防务采取一切措施。但是,我们整个国家都将永远记住这次对我们进攻的性质。不论要用多长时间才能战胜这次预谋的入侵,美国人民以自己的正义力量一定要赢得绝对的胜利。我们现在预言,我们不仅要做出最大的努力来保卫我们自己,我们还将确保这种形式的背信弃义永远不会再危及我们。我这样说,相信是表达了国会和人民的意志。敌对行动已经存在。无庸讳言,我国人民、我国领土和我国利益都处于严重危险之中。相信我们的武装部队;;依靠我国人民的坚定决心--我们将取得必然的胜利,愿上帝帮助我们!我要求国会宣布:自1941年12月7日星期日日本发动无端的、卑鄙的进攻时起,美国和日本帝国之间已处于战争状态。责编:struggle /201205/182047

in as much as they tend to lessen its usefulness and to sap its safety.因为它们旨在于消弱其功用和危害其安全。They might,indeed,have been corected by the wholesome punishments reserved to and provided by the laws of the several States against falsehood and defamation,它们真应该由某些州立法律所保留和提供的审慎惩罚来纠正;but public duties more urgent press on the time of public servants,但更为紧要的公务占据了公务员的时间,and the offenders have therefore been left to find their punishment in the public indignation.而只让那些违反者在公众的愤怒中得到惩罚。No inference is here intended that the laws provided by the States against false and defamatory publications should not be enforced;这里并不意味着关于针对虚假和诽谤的出版物的州立法律无须被强制执行的推论;he who has time renders a service to public morals and public tranquillity in reforming these abuses by the salutary coercions of the law;某人如有时间,便为了公众的道德和宁静而通过有益的法律强制来改正这些滥用;but the experiment is noted to prove that,since truth and reason have maintained their ground against false opinions in league with false facts,但引用这一实验来明,是因为事实和理性针对虚假的观点伙同虚假的事务毫不退让。the press,confined to truth,needs no other legal restraint;限于真正的媒体无须其它法律的限制;the public judgment will correct false reasoning and opinions on a full hearing of all parties;在完全听取各方之后,公众的判断会纠正错误的推论和观点;and no other definite line can be drawn between the inestimable liberty of the press and its demoralizing licentiousness.而且在无价的媒体自由与其不道德的诽谤之间划出一条确定的界限不大可能。If there be still improprieties which this rule would not restrain,its supplement must be sought in the censorship of public opinion如果仍然有此规则无法限制的不恰之处,则须在公众舆论检查中寻找它的补充。I shall now enter on the duties to which my fellow citizens have again called me,现在我将要履行我的同胞再次召唤我的职责,and shall proceed in the spirit of those principles which they have approved.并将要以他们所认可的那些原则的精神来履行。I fear not that any motives of interest may lead me astray;我无惧于任何可能使我迷途的利益目的;I am sensible of no passion which could seduce me knowingly from the path of justice,我没有感到任何能引诱我明知是离开公正之途的欲望,but the weaknesses of human nature and the limits of my own understanding will produce errors of judgment sometimes injurious to your interests.但是,人性的弱点和我自身感知的局限将会造成对你们利益有损的错误判断。I shall need,therefore,all the indulgence which I have heretofore experienced from my constituents;因此,我需要至今以来从我的选民中得到的所有谅解;the want of it will certainly not lessen with increasing years.而且对此的需要肯定不会随着年代的累积而减少。I shall need,too,the favor of that Being in whose hands we are,who led our fathers,as Israel of old,我也需要上帝的恩惠,我们在他的手中,他带领我们的先父,就如同旧时的以色列,from their native land and planted them in a country flowing with all the necessaires and comforts of life;离开他们的祖国,而植根于一个充满所有物质和舒适生活的国家;who has covered our infancy with his providence and our riper years with His wisdom and power,他以他的眷顾包含我们的童年,以他的智慧和力量包含我们的成熟年代,and to whose goodness I ask you to join in supplication with me that he will so enlighten the minds of your servants,我请求你们和我一起恳求他的恩惠,恳求他将开导你们公仆的心智,guide their councils,and prosper their measures that whatsoever they do shall result in your good.指引他们的意见,并促使他们行动的成功,这样他们所做的任何事情都将为你们带来益处,and shall secure to you the peace,friendship,and approbation of all nations.为你们保和平,友谊,和所有国家的赞许。01/436004

Adlai E. StevensonSpeech Accepting the Democratic Presidential Nomination [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Mr. President, ladies and gentlemen of the Convention, my fellow citizens:I accept your nomination and your program. I should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a stronger, a wiser, a better man than myself. But after listening to the President's speech, I even feel better about myself. None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I can only hope that you understand my words. They will be few.I have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it, because I aspired to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gift of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize.I would not seek your nomination for the Presidency, because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. Its potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exultation and converts vanity to prayer.I have asked the Merciful Father -- the Father of us all -- to let this cup pass from me, but from such d[ed] responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self-interest, or in false humility. So, "If this cup may not pass from me," I -- "except I drink it, Thy will be done."That my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self-appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather, it is that I revere the office of the Presidency of the ed States. And now, my friends, that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with all -- with all my heart and my soul. And, with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.You have summoned me to the highest mission within the gift of any people. I could not be more proud. Better men than I were at hand for this mighty task, and I owe to you and to them every resource of mind and of strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our Party. I am confident too, that your selection for -- of a candidate for Vice President will strengthen me and our Party immeasurably in the hard, the implacable work that lies ahead of all of us.I know you join me in gratitude and in respect for the great Democrats and the leaders of our generation whose names you have considered here in this convention, whose vigor, whose character, whose devotion to the Republic we love so well have won the respect of countless Americans and have enriched our Party. I shall need them; we shall need them, because I have not changed in any respect since yesterday.Your nomination, awesome as I find it, has not enlarged my capacities, so I am profoundly grateful and emboldened by their comradeship and their fealty, and I have been deeply moved by their expressions of good will and of support. And I cannot, my friends, resist the urge to take the one opportunity that has been afforded me to pay my humble respects to a very great and good American, whom I am proud to call my kinsman, Alben Barkley of Kentucky.Let me say, too, that I have been heartened by the conduct of this convention. You have argued and disagreed, because as Democrats you care and you care deeply. But you have disagreed and argued without calling each other "liars" and "thieves," without despoiling our best traditions -- you have not spoiled our best traditions in any naked struggles for power.And you have written a platform that neither equivocates, contradicts, nor evades. You have restated our Party's record, its principles and its purposes, in language that none can mistake, and with a firm confidence in justice, freedom, and peace on earth that will raise the hearts and the hopes of mankind for that distant day when no -- no one rattles a saber and no one drags a chain.For all these things I am grateful to you. But I feel no exultation, no sense of triumph. Our troubles are all ahead of us. Some will call us appeasers; others will say that we are the war Party. Some will say we are reactionary; others will say that we stand for socialism. There will be inevitable -- the inevitable cries of "throw the rascals out," "it's time for a change," and so on and so on.We'll hear all those things and many more besides. But we will hear nothing that we have not heard before. I am not too much concerned with partisan denunciation, with epithets and abuse, because the workingman, the farmer, the thoughtful businessman, all know that they are better off than ever before, and they all know that the greatest danger to free enterprise in this country died with the Great Depression under the hammer blows of the Democratic Party.And nor am I afraid that the precious two-party system is in danger. Certainly the Republican Party looked brutally alive a couple of weeks ago -- and I mean both Republican parties. Nor am I afraid that the Democratic Party is old and fat and indolent. After a hundred and fifty years, it has been old for a long time, and it will never be indolent, as long as it looks forward and not back, as long as it commands the allegiance of the young and the hopeful who dream the dreams and see the visions of a better America and a better world.You will hear many sincere and thoughtful people express concern about the continuation of one Party in power for twenty years. I don't belittle this attitude. But change for the sake of change has no absolute merit in itself. If our greatest hazard -- If our greatest hazard is preservation of the values of Western civilization, in our self-interest alone, if you please, it is the part -- is it the part of wisdom to change for the sake of change to a Party with a split personality, to a leader, whom we all respect, but who has been called upon to minister to a hopeless case of political schizophrenia?If the fear is corruption in official position, do you believe with Charles Evans Hughes that guild is personal and knows no Party? Do you doubt the power of any political leader, if he has the will too do so, to set his own house in order without his neighbors having to burn it down?What does concern me, in common with thinking partisans of both parties, is not just winning this election but how it is won, how well we can take advantage of this great quadrennial opportunity to debate issues sensibly and soberly. I hope and pray that we Democrats, win or lose, can campaign not as a crusade to exterminate the opposing Party, as our opponents seem to prefer, but as a great opportunity to educate and elevate a people whose destiny is leadership, not alone of a rich and prosperous, contented country, as in the past, but of a world in ferment.And, my friends even more important than winning the election is governing the nation. That is the test of a political party, the acid, final test. When the tumult and the shouting die, when the bands are gone and the lights are dimmed, there is the stark reality of responsibility in an hour of history haunted with those gaunt, grim specters of strife, dissension, and materialism at home and ruthless, inscrutable, and hostile power abroad.The ordeal of the twentieth century, the bloodiest, most turbulent era of the whole Christian age, is far from over. Sacrifice, patience, understanding, and implacable purpose may be our lot for years to come. Let's face it. Let's talk sense to the American people. Let's tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains, that there -- that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you're attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of man -- war, poverty, and tyranny -- and the assaults upon human dignity which are the most grievous consequences of each.Let's tell them that the victory to be won in the twentieth century, this portal to the Golden Age, mocks the pretensions of individual acumen and ingenuity, for it is a citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpets' blast or the politicians' imprecations or even a general's baton. They are -- They are, my friends, walls that must be directly stormed by the hosts of courage, of morality, and of vision, standing shoulder to shoulder, unafraid of ugly truth, contemptuous of lies, half truths, circuses, and demagoguery.The people are wise, wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic Party is the people's Party -- not the labor Party, not the farmers' Party, not the employers' Party -- it is the Party of no one because it is the Party of everyone.That, that, I -- I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in this autumn of conflict and of campaign. Help me to do the job in these years of darkness, of doubt, and of crisis which stretch beyond the horizon of tonight's happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose. Thus, we will serve our great tradition greatly.I ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have, even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic Party, by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic Party -- President Harry S. Truman.And finally, my friends, in this staggering task that you have assigned me, I shall always try "to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my God."200806/41008

Right now, there are a lot of folks who are still struggling with the effects of the recession. They’re wondering how they’d deal with an unexpected expense if their car breaks down. They’re worried about layoffs. They’re not sure if they can help their kids pay for college. And for many families, these challenges were around long before the recession hit in 2007.I ran for President because I believed in an America where ordinary folks could get ahead; where if you worked hard, you could have a better life. That’s been my focus since I came into office, and that has to be our focus now. It’s one of the reasons why we’re working to reduce our nation’s deficit. Government has to start living within its means, just like families do. We have to cut the spending we can’t afford so we can put the economy on sounder footing, and give our businesses the confidence they need to grow and create jobs. The good news is, Democrats and Republicans agree on the need to solve the problem. And over the last few weeks, the Vice President and I have gotten both parties to identify more than trillion in spending cuts. That’s trillion with a ‘t.’ But after a decade in which Washington ran up the country’s credit card, we’ve got to find more savings to get out of the red. That means looking at every program and tax break in the budget – every single one – to find places to cut waste and save money. It means we’ll have to make tough decisions and scale back worthy programs. And nothing can be off limits, including spending in the tax code, particularly the loopholes that benefit very few individuals and corporations. Now, it would be nice if we could keep every tax break, but we can’t afford them. Because if we choose to keep those tax breaks for millionaires and billionaires, or for hedge fund managers and corporate jet owners, or for oil and gas companies pulling in huge profits without our help – then we’ll have to make even deeper cuts somewhere else. We’ve got to say to a student, ‘You don’t get a college scholarship.’ We have to say to a medical researcher, ‘You can’t do that cancer research.’ We might have to tell seniors, ‘You have to pay more for Medicare.’That isn’t right, and it isn’t smart. We’ve got to cut the deficit, but we can do that while making investments in education, research, and technology that actually create jobs. We can live within our means while still investing in our future. That’s what we have to do. And I’m confident that the Democrats and Republicans in Congress can find a way to give some ground, make some hard choices, and put their shoulders to wheel to get this done for the sake of our country. On Monday, we celebrate Independence Day, the day we declared a new nation, based on revolutionary idea: that people ought to determine their own destiny; that freedom and self-governance weren’t gifts handed to us by kings or emperors, but the rights of every human being. We’ve learned in the years since that democracy isn’t always pretty. We have arguments. We disagree. But time and again we’ve proven that we could come together to solve problems. We remember that while we may not see eye-to-eye on everything, we share a love for this country and a faith in its future. That’s the spirit we need to harness now. That’s how we’ll meet this challenge and reach a brighter day. Thanks for listening, and have a wonderful fourth of July.201107/143071

文章编辑: 飞度云报