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REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENTON NATIONAL SECURITYNational ArchivesWashington, D.C. 10:28 A.M. EDTTHE PRESIDENT: Good morning, everybody. Please be seated. Thank you all for being here. Let me just acknowledge the presence of some of my outstanding Cabinet members and advisors. We've got our Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton. We have our CIA Director Leon Panetta. We have our Secretary of Defense William Gates; Secretary Napolitano of Department of Homeland Security; Attorney General Eric Holder; my National Security Advisor Jim Jones. And I want to especially thank our Acting Archivist of the ed States, Adrienne Thomas.I also want to acknowledge several members of the House who have great interest in intelligence matters. I want to thank Congressman Reyes, Congressman Hoekstra, Congressman King, as well as Congressman Thompson, for being here today. Thank you so much.These are extraordinary times for our country. We're confronting a historic economic crisis. We're fighting two wars. We face a range of challenges that will define the way that Americans will live in the 21st century. So there's no shortage of work to be done, or responsibilities to bear.And we've begun to make progress. Just this week, we've taken steps to protect American consumers and homeowners, and to reform our system of government contracting so that we better protect our people while spending our money more wisely. (Applause.) The -- it's a good bill. (Laughter.) The engines of our economy are slowly beginning to turn, and we're working towards historic reform on health care and on energy. I want to say to the members of Congress, I welcome all the extraordinary work that has been done over these last four months on these and other issues.In the midst of all these challenges, however, my single most important responsibility as President is to keep the American people safe. It's the first thing that I think about when I wake up in the morning. It's the last thing that I think about when I go to sleep at night.And this responsibility is only magnified in an era when an extremist ideology threatens our people, and technology gives a handful of terrorists the potential to do us great harm. We are less than eight years removed from the deadliest attack on American soil in our history. We know that al Qaeda is actively planning to attack us again. We know that this threat will be with us for a long time, and that we must use all elements of our power to defeat it.Aly, we've taken several steps to achieve that goal. For the first time since 2002, we're providing the necessary resources and strategic direction to take the fight to the extremists who attacked us on 9/11 in Afghanistan and Pakistan. We're investing in the 21st century military and intelligence capabilities that will allow us to stay one step ahead of a nimble enemy. We have re-energized a global non-proliferation regime to deny the world's most dangerous people access to the world's deadliest weapons. And we've launched an effort to secure all loose nuclear materials within four years. We're better protecting our border, and increasing our preparedness for any future attack or natural disaster. We're building new partnerships around the world to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al Qaeda and its affiliates. And we have renewed American diplomacy so that we once again have the strength and standing to truly lead the world.These steps are all critical to keeping America secure. But I believe with every fiber of my being that in the long run we also cannot keep this country safe unless we enlist the power of our most fundamental values. The documents that we hold in this very hall -- the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Bill of Rights -- these are not simply words written into aging parchment. They are the foundation of liberty and justice in this country, and a light that shines for all who seek freedom, fairness, equality, and dignity around the world.I stand here today as someone whose own life was made possible by these documents. My father came to these shores in search of the promise that they offered. My mother made me rise before dawn to learn their truths when I lived as a child in a foreign land. My own American journey was paved by generations of citizens who gave meaning to those simple words -- "to form a more perfect union." I've studied the Constitution as a student, I've taught it as a teacher, I've been bound by it as a lawyer and a legislator. I took an oath to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution as Commander-in-Chief, and as a citizen, I know that we must never, ever, turn our back on its enduring principles for expedience sake.I make this claim not simply as a matter of idealism. We uphold our most cherished values not only because doing so is right, but because it strengthens our country and it keeps us safe. Time and again, our values have been our best national security asset -- in war and peace; in times of ease and in eras of upheaval.Fidelity to our values is the reason why the ed States of America grew from a small string of colonies under the writ of an empire to the strongest nation in the world.05/7083721世纪杯全国英语演讲比赛 第十名 美国经典英文演讲100篇总统演讲布莱尔首相演讲美国总统布什演讲快报 200808/46834President Bush Visits with American and Korean TroopsTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Berlus -- how about the Corporal? What a silver-tongued devil. (Applause.) Thank you, Corporal Berlus. Thanks for the kind introduction. I'm feeling pretty spiffy in my new jacket. (Applause.) Feeling pretty warm in it, too. (Laughter.)I am so honored to be here at Freedom's Frontier. Thanks for coming out to say hello. I always look forward to the chance to say Hooah!AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: Sure! No better place to do it than right here with U.S. Forces Korea. I thank the units here from the 8th Army Pacific Victors --AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: -- members of the 7th Air Force --AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: -- U.S. Navy Forces Korea --AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: -- Marine Forces Korea --AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: -- and members of the Special Operations Command.AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: I appreciate the fact that you're carrying our flag with such honor in this vital part of the world. The American people are grateful for your service, and so is your Commander-in-Chief. Thank you.AUDIENCE: Hooah! (Applause.)THE PRESIDENT: I bring greetings to the South Korean military who is with us today -- members from the KATUSA and the Zaytun Division. (Applause.) We're honored by your friendship. We're proud of our alliance, and we're inspired by your work to advance the cause of liberty.I also bring my love and greetings and appreciation to the military families.AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: Now, I understand our spouses did not take the oath of office when they enlisted. Matter of fact, their service to the country began with the simple words: I do. So to the military spouses and to the children who are here, please know that the ed States of America is grateful for the sacrifices that you all are making on behalf of our country. And I'm proud to be in your presence, and so is the First Lady of the ed States, Laura Bush. (Applause.) And I'm traveling -- or we're traveling with our daughter, one of two daughters -- welcome Barbara. (Applause.)I know the Commander very well. See, I got to see General Sharp up close a lot during the last seven and a half years. He was in the Pentagon for a while; then he was transferred to this very important post. So, General Sharp, it's great to be with you again. Thank you for your fantastic service to our country. I'm proud to be with your wife. I also am proud to be with General Lee, Deputy Commander of the Combined Forces Command. It's an honor to meet your wife, too, General. How about Sergeant -- Command Sergeant Major Robert Winzenried. Robert, I'm glad you're here.AUDIENCE: Hooah!THE PRESIDENT: By the way, just so you sergeants understand, you are the backbone of the ed States military. (Applause.) And I appreciate your service.We're also here today with the Ambassador from the ed States to Korea, Sandy Vershbow, and his wife, Lisa. Ambassador, thank you for your fine service to our country. Proud to be serving with you.Fifty-five years have passed since the guns went quiet and the cease-fire was signed on this peninsula. Now, for some of you, 55 years seems like a long time. (Laughter.) But if you're 62 years old, it's just a snap of the fingers. (Laughter.) It wasn't all that long ago. And since that time, our forces have kept the peace. Our nations have built a robust alliance. Notice I'm saying our nations. We're working side-by-side with our strong allies, the Korean people and the Korean military. And thanks to the contribution of men and women who are wearing the uniform just like you, the partnership between America and Korea has become one of the great success stories of modern times.We've worked with our allies to help build a free and prosperous country out of the rubbles of war. And America is better off for it. Because of the sacrifice of troops just like you, a part of the world that was ravaged by war is now a -- is now peaceful. And that enhances the security of the ed States of America. We're bringing hope to people, and that's important, for people to have hope.One of the signs of Korea's emergence is a professional and capable military. It's one of the things you look for, when you see a country begin to get on its feet and take control of its destiny, is what kind of military does it have?America is going to continue to stand with the Korean Peninsula, no question about it. And as South Korea has grown in strength, it takes a larger role, more significant role in its own defenses. And so America, in turn, is modernizing its presence. We're closing unneeded installations, and we're going to return this valuable land right here to the Korean people. See, this is a nice piece of real estate, as I'm sure you know. (Laughter.) And it's going to go back to the Korean people. And then we're going to relocate. And that will make this alliance even stronger and even more viable in the future.200808/45858

President's Radio Address THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. This weekend I am in Lima, Peru, meeting with leaders from nations in the Asia Pacific region at our annual summit. This summit comes at a time of serious turmoil in the global economy. It also comes at a time of unprecedented cooperation. A week ago in Washington, I hosted the first in what will be a series of international meetings to address the financial crisis. We reviewed the actions we have taken to manage the crisis. And we agreed on principles and specific actions to modernize our financial structures for the 21st century and help prevent another crisis. As we work to rebuild confidence in our financial systems in the short term, we must also work to promote long-term economic growth. Together, our nations must focus our efforts on three great forces that drive this growth -- free markets, free trade, and free people. No region of the world demonstrates the power of these forces more vividly than the Asia Pacific. Free markets have helped millions lift themselves out of poverty. Free trade has helped small nations turn themselves into global economic powers. And as more people in the Asia Pacific are free to develop their talents and pursue their ambitions, the whole region has grown in prosperity. We're facing a difficult challenge and there will be tough days ahead. But by relying on these principles, we can be confident in the future of our Nation and the world. Back at home, one of the most serious economic challenges we face is the situation in our auto industry. America's auto manufacturers are facing severe and urgent financial shortfalls. Earlier this fall, I signed a bill that authorized up to billion in loans to help these automakers make more fuel-efficient vehicles. Under the law, this money is not available to help auto companies with their immediate funding challenges. So this past week, Senators Bond, Levin, and Voinovich came forward with a new proposal that would allow auto companies to access the loans they need -- as long as they're willing to restructure to become financially viable. This proposal earned support from both sides of the aisle on Capitol Hill. Unfortunately, the leadership in Congress adjourned without even allowing this measure to come up for a vote. My position is clear: If the automakers are willing to make the hard decisions needed to become viable, they should be able to receive the funds Congress aly allotted to them for other purposes. This is a critical issue for our economy and our country. The American people expect their elected leaders to do what it takes to solve it. Thank you for listening. 参考中文翻译:早上好。这个周末我在秘鲁首都利马和亚太地区的首脑们进行一年一度的峰会。这个峰会处在全球经济的混乱时期。同时,也是前所未有的合作的时期。一个星期前,我在华盛顿主持了20国会议来应对经济危机,之后也将有一系列的会议来探讨解决经济危机的方案。我们回顾了解决经济危机已经采取的措施。同时,为了改革21世纪的金融结构,避免再次发生危机,我们也就一些原则和特别方案达成了一致。我们为了短期内重建金融体系的信心而努力,同时我们也要努力促进经济的长期增长。我们所有的国家都必须集中向促进经济增长的三个方面努力——自由的市场,自由的贸易,自由的人民。世界上任何一个地区都不像亚太地区这样生动地演示这三个方面的力量。自由的市场使数百万人摆脱了贫困。随着亚太地区越来越多的人自由的发挥才智和追求梦想,整个地区也繁荣发展起来。我们现在正面临艰巨的挑战,未来的日子将会十分艰难。但是依靠这些原则,我们坚信我们的国家,我们的世界的未来是美好的。而对我们的国家来说,我们所面临的最严重的经济问题之一就是汽车产业。美国的汽车制造商面临这严重的,紧急的资金不足。今年秋初,我签署了一项提案,提供给汽车制造业25亿美元的贷款来帮助他们开发新的节油型汽车。根据法律,该项贷款并不是用来帮助汽车公司应对当前的资金问题。所以这个星期,参议员Bond, Levin, 和 Voinovich 提出了新的建议,我们允许汽车制造公司可以利用这项贷款——只要他们在财政上能够实现自给。这项提议得到了国会双方的持。不幸的是,国会领导根本就没有进行投票就把该措施延迟了。我的立场很明确:如果汽车制造上能够对财政方面自给作出艰难的决定,我们必须得到国会已经分配给他们原本作为其他用途的资金。这对我们的经济和国家是非常关键的。美国人民期望他们选出的领导能够解决问题。200811/56851

My friends:This is not a fireside chat on war. It is a talk on national security; because the nub of the whole purpose of your President is to keep you now, and your children later, and your grandchildren much later, out of a last-ditch war for the preservation of American independence, and all of the things that American independence means to you and to me and to ours.Tonight, in the presence of a world crisis, my mind goes back eight years to a night in the midst of a domestic crisis. It was a time when the wheels of American industry were grinding to a full stop, when the whole banking system of our country had ceased to function. I well remember that while I sat in my study in the White House, preparing to talk with the people of the ed States, I had before my eyes the picture of all those Americans with whom I was talking. I saw the workmen in the mills, the mines, the factories, the girl behind the counter, the small shopkeeper, the farmer doing his Spring plowing, the widows and the old men wondering about their lifes savings. I tried to convey to the great mass of American people what the banking crisis meant to them in their daily lives.Tonight, I want to do the same thing, with the same people, in this new crisis which faces America. We met the issue of 1933 with courage and realism. We face this new crisis, this new threat to the security of our nation, with the same courage and realism. Never before since Jamestown and Plymouth Rock has our American civilization been in such danger as now. For on September 27th, 1940 -- this year -- by an agreement signed in Berlin, three powerful nations, two in Europe and one in Asia, joined themselves together in the threat that if the ed States of America interfered with or blocked the expansion program of these three nations -- a program aimed at world control -- they would unite in ultimate action against the ed States.The Nazi masters of Germany have made it clear that they intend not only to dominate all life and thought in their own country, but also to enslave the whole of Europe, and then to use the resources of Europe to dominate the rest of the world. It was only three weeks ago that their leader stated this: ;There are two worlds that stand opposed to each other.; And then in defiant reply to his opponents he said this: ;Others are correct when they say: With this world we cannot ever reconcile ourselves. I can beat any other power in the world.; So said the leader of the Nazis.In other words, the Axis not merely admits but the Axis proclaims that there can be no ultimate peace between their philosophy -- their philosophy of government -- and our philosophy of government. In view of the nature of this undeniable threat, it can be asserted, properly and categorically, that the ed States has no right or reason to encourage talk of peace until the day shall come when there is a clear intention on the part of the aggressor nations to abandon all thought of dominating or conquering the world.At this moment the forces of the States that are leagued against all peoples who live in freedom are being held away from our shores. The Germans and the Italians are being blocked on the other side of the Atlantic by the British and by the Greeks, and by thousands of soldiers and sailors who were able to escape from subjugated countries. In Asia the Japanese are being engaged by the Chinese nation in another great defense. In the Pacific Ocean is our fleet.Some of our people like to believe that wars in Europe and in Asia are of no concern to us. But it is a matter of most vital concern to us that European and Asiatic war-makers should not gain control of the oceans which lead to this hemisphere. One hundred and seventeen years ago the Monroe Doctrine was conceived by our government as a measure of defense in the face of a threat against this hemisphere by an alliance in Continental Europe. Thereafter, we stood guard in the Atlantic, with the British as neighbors. There was no treaty. There was no ;unwritten agreement.; And yet there was the feeling, proven correct by history, that we as neighbors could settle any disputes in peaceful fashion. And the fact is that during the whole of this time the Western Hemisphere has remained free from aggression from Europe or from Asia.Does anyone seriously believe that we need to fear attack anywhere in the Americas while a free Britain remains our most powerful naval neighbor in the Atlantic? And does anyone seriously believe, on the other hand, that we could rest easy if the Axis powers were our neighbors there? If Great Britain goes down, the Axis powers will control the Continents of Europe, Asia, Africa, Austral-Asia, and the high seas. And they will be in a position to bring enormous military and naval resources against this hemisphere. It is no exaggeration to say that all of us in all the Americas would be living at the point of a gun -- a gun loaded with explosive bullets, economic as well as military. We should enter upon a new and terrible era in which the whole world, our hemisphere included, would be run by threats of brute force. And to survive in such a world, we would have to convert ourselves permanently into a militaristic power on the basis of war economy.Some of us like to believe that even if Britain falls, we are still safe, because of the broad expanse of the Atlantic and of the Pacific. But the width of those oceans is not what it was in the days of clipper ships. At one point between Africa and Brazil the distance is less than it is from Washington to Denver, Colorado, five hours for the latest type of bomber. And at the north end of the Pacific Ocean, America and Asia almost touch each other. Why, even today we have planes that could fly from the British Isles to New England and back again without refueling. And remember that the range of the modern bomber is ever being increased.During the past week many people in all parts of the nation have told me what they wanted me to say tonight. Almost all of them expressed a courageous desire to hear the plain truth about the gravity of the situation. One telegram, however, expressed the attitude of the small minority who want to see no evil and hear no evil, even though they know in their hearts that evil exists. That telegram begged me not to tell again of the ease with which our American cities could be bombed by any hostile power which had gained bases in this Western Hemisphere. The gist of that telegram was: ;Please, Mr. President, dont frighten us by telling us the facts.; Frankly and definitely there is danger ahead -- danger against which we must prepare. But we well know that we cannot escape danger, or the fear of danger, by crawling into bed and pulling the covers over our heads.Some nations of Europe were bound by solemn nonintervention pacts with Germany. Other nations were assured by Germany that they need never fear invasion. Nonintervention pact or not, the fact remains that they were attacked, overrun, thrown into modern slavery at an hours notice -- or even without any notice at all. As an exiled leader of one of these nations said to me the other day, ;The notice was a minus quantity. It was given to my government two hours after German troops had poured into my country in a hundred places.; The fate of these nations tells us what it means to live at the point of a Nazi gun.The Nazis have justified such actions by various pious frauds. One of these frauds is the claim that they are occupying a nation for the purpose of ;restoring order.; Another is that they are occupying or controlling a nation on the excuse that they are ;protecting it; against the aggression of somebody else. For example, Germany has said that she was occupying Belgium to save the Belgians from the British. Would she then hesitate to say to any South American country: ;We are occupying you to protect you from aggression by the ed States;? Belgium today is being used as an invasion base against Britain, now fighting for its life. And any South American country, in Nazi hands, would always constitute a jumping off place for German attack on any one of the other republics of this hemisphere.Analyze for yourselves the future of two other places even nearer to Germany if the Nazis won. Could Ireland hold out? Would Irish freedom be permitted as an amazing pet exception in an unfree world? Or the islands of the Azores, which still fly the flag of Portugal after five centuries? You and I think of Hawaii as an outpost of defense in the Pacific. And yet the Azores are closer to our shores in the Atlantic than Hawaii is on the other side.There are those who say that the Axis powers would never have any desire to attack the Western Hemisphere. That is the same dangerous form of wishful thinking which has destroyed the powers of resistance of so many conquered peoples. The plain facts are that the Nazis have proclaimed, time and again, that all other races are their inferiors and therefore subject to their orders. And most important of all, the vast resources and wealth of this American hemisphere constitute the most tempting loot in all of the round world.Let us no longer blind ourselves to the undeniable fact that the evil forces which have crushed and undermined and corrupted so many others are aly within our own gates. Your government knows much about them and every day is ferreting them out. Their secret emissaries are active in our own and in neighboring countries. They seek to stir up suspicion and dissension, to cause internal strife. They try to turn capital against labor, and vice versa. They try to reawaken long slumbering racial and religious enmities which should have no place in this country. They are active in every group that promotes intolerance. They exploit for their own ends our own natural abhorrence of war. These trouble-breeders have but one purpose. It is to divide our people, to divide them into hostile groups and to destroy our unity and shatter our will to defend ourselves.There are also American citizens, many of them in high places, who, unwittingly in most cases, are aiding and abetting the work of these agents. I do not charge these American citizens with being foreign agents. But I do charge them with doing exactly the kind of work that the dictators want done in the ed States. These people not only believe that we can save our own skins by shutting our eyes to the fate of other nations. Some of them go much further than that. They say that we can and should become the friends and even the partners of the Axis powers. Some of them even suggest that we should imitate the methods of the dictatorships. But Americans never can and never will do that.The experience of the past two years has proven beyond doubt that no nation can appease the Nazis. No man can tame a tiger into a kitten by stroking it. There can be no appeasement with ruthlessness. There can be no reasoning with an incendiary bomb. We know now that a nation can have peace with the Nazis only at the price of total surrender. Even the people of Italy have been forced to become accomplices of the Nazis; but at this moment they do not know how soon they will be embraced to death by their allies.The American appeasers ignore the warning to be found in the fate of Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Norway, Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, and France. They tell you that the Axis powers are going to win anyway; that all of this bloodshed in the world could be saved, that the ed States might just as well throw its influence into the scale of a dictated peace and get the best out of it that we can. They call it a ;negotiated peace.; Nonsense! Is it a negotiated peace if a gang of outlaws surrounds your community and on threat of extermination makes you pay tribute to save your own skins? For such a dictated peace would be no peace at all. It would be only another armistice, leading to the most gigantic armament race and the most devastating trade wars in all history. And in these contests the Americas would offer the only real resistance to the Axis power. With all their vaunted efficiency, with all their parade of pious purpose in this war, there are still in their background the concentration camp and the servants of God in chains.The history of recent years proves that the shootings and the chains and the concentration camps are not simply the transient tools but the very altars of modern dictatorships. They may talk of a ;new order; in the world, but what they have in mind is only a revival of the oldest and the worst tyranny. In that there is no liberty, no religion, no hope. The proposed ;new order; is the very opposite of a ed States of Europe or a ed States of Asia. It is not a government based upon the consent of the governed. It is not a union of ordinary, self-respecting men and women to protect themselves and their freedom and their dignity from oppression. It is an unholy alliance of power and pelf to dominate and to enslave the human race.The British people and their allies today are conducting an active war against this unholy alliance. Our own future security is greatly dependent on the outcome of that fight. Our ability to ;keep out of war; is going to be affected by that outcome. Thinking in terms of today and tomorrow, I make the direct statement to the American people that there is far less chance of the ed States getting into war if we do all we can now to support the nations defending themselves against attack by the Axis than if we acquiesce in their defeat, submit tamely to an Axis victory, and wait our turn to be the object of attack in another war later on.If we are to be completely honest with ourselves, we must admit that there is risk in any course we may take. But I deeply believe that the great majority of our people agree that the course that I advocate involves the least risk now and the greatest hope for world peace in the future.The people of Europe who are defending themselves do not ask us to do their fighting. They ask us for the implements of war, the planes, the tanks, the guns, the freighters which will enable them to fight for their liberty and for our security. Emphatically, we must get these weapons to them, get them to them in sufficient volume and quickly enough so that we and our children will be saved the agony and suffering of war which others have had to endure.Let not the defeatists tell us that it is too late. It will never be earlier. Tomorrow will be later than today.Certain facts are self-evident.In a military sense Great Britain and the British Empire are today the spearhead of resistance to world conquest. And they are putting up a fight which will live forever in the story of human gallantry. There is no demand for sending an American expeditionary force outside our own borders. There is no intention by any member of your government to send such a force. You can therefore, nail, nail any talk about sending armies to Europe as deliberate untruth. Our national policy is not directed toward war. Its sole purpose is to keep war away from our country and away from our people.Democracys fight against world conquest is being greatly aided, and must be more greatly aided, by the rearmament of the ed States and by sending every ounce and every ton of munitions and supplies that we can possibly spare to help the defenders who are in the front lines. And it is no more un-neutral for us to do that than it is for Sweden, Russia, and other nations near Germany to send steel and ore and oil and other war materials into Germany every day in the week.We are planning our own defense with the utmost urgency, and in its vast scale we must integrate the war needs of Britain and the other free nations which are resisting aggression. This is not a matter of sentiment or of controversial personal opinion. It is a matter of realistic, practical military policy, based on the advice of our military experts who are in close touch with existing warfare. These military and naval experts and the members of the Congress and the Administration have a single-minded purpose: the defense of the ed States.This nation is making a great effort to produce everything that is necessary in this emergency, and with all possible speed. And this great effort requires great sacrifice. I would ask no one to defend a democracy which in turn would not defend every one in the nation against want and privation. The strength of this nation shall not be diluted by the failure of the government to protect the economic well-being of its citizens. If our capacity to produce is limited by machines, it must ever be remembered that these machines are operated by the skill and the stamina of the workers.As the government is determined to protect the rights of the workers, so the nation has a right to expect that the men who man the machines will discharge their full responsibilities to the urgent needs of defense. The worker possesses the same human dignity and is entitled to the same security of position as the engineer or the manager or the owner. For the workers provide the human power that turns out the destroyers, and the planes, and the tanks. The nation expects our defense industries to continue operation without interruption by strikes or lockouts. It expects and insists that management and workers will reconcile their differences by voluntary or legal means, to continue to produce the supplies that are so sorely needed. And on the economic side of our great defense program, we are, as you know, bending every effort to maintain stability of prices and with that the stability of the cost of living.Nine days ago I announced the setting up of a more effective organization to direct our gigantic efforts to increase the production of munitions. The appropriation of vast sums of money and a well-coordinated executive direction of our defense efforts are not in themselves enough. Guns, planes, ships and many other things have to be built in the factories and the arsenals of America. They have to be produced by workers and managers and engineers with the aid of machines which in turn have to be built by hundreds of thousands of workers throughout the land. In this great work there has been splendid cooperation between the government and industry and labor. And I am very thankful.American industrial genius, unmatched throughout all the world in the solution of production problems, has been called upon to bring its resources and its talents into action. Manufacturers of watches, of farm implements, of Linotypes and cash registers and automobiles, and sewing machines and lawn mowers and locomotives, are now making fuses and bomb packing crates and telescope mounts and shells and pistols and tanks.But all of our present efforts are not enough. We must have more ships, more guns, more planes -- more of everything. And this can be accomplished only if we discard the notion of ;business as usual.; This job cannot be done merely by superimposing on the existing productive facilities the added requirements of the nation for defense. Our defense efforts must not be blocked by those who fear the future consequences of surplus plant capacity. The possible consequences of failure of our defense efforts now are much more to be feared. And after the present needs of our defense are past, a proper handling of the countrys peacetime needs will require all of the new productive capacity, if not still more. No pessimistic policy about the future of America shall delay the immediate expansion of those industries essential to defense. We need them.I want to make it clear that it is the purpose of the nation to build now with all possible speed every machine, every arsenal, every factory that we need to manufacture our defense material. We have the men, the skill, the wealth, and above all, the will. I am confident that if and when production of consumer or luxury goods in certain industries requires the use of machines and raw materials that are essential for defense purposes, then such production must yield, and will gladly yield, to our primary and compelling purpose.So I appeal to the owners of plants, to the managers, to the workers, to our own government employees to put every ounce of effort into producing these munitions swiftly and without stint. With this appeal I give you the pledge that all of us who are officers of your government will devote ourselves to the same whole-hearted extent to the great task that lies ahead.As planes and ships and guns and shells are produced, your government, with its defense experts, can then determine how best to use them to defend this hemisphere. The decision as to how much shall be sent abroad and how much shall remain at home must be made on the basis of our overall military necessities.We must be the great arsenal of democracy.For us this is an emergency as serious as war itself. We must apply ourselves to our task with the same resolution, the same sense of urgency, the same spirit of patriotism and sacrifice as we would show were we at war.We have furnished the British great material support and we will furnish far more in the future. There will be no ;bottlenecks; in our determination to aid Great Britain. No dictator, no combination of dictators, will weaken that determination by threats of how they will construe that determination. The British have received invaluable military support from the heroic Greek Army and from the forces of all the governments in exile. Their strength is growing. It is the strength of men and women who value their freedom more highly than they value their lives.I believe that the Axis powers are not going to win this war. I base that belief on the latest and best of information.We have no excuse for defeatism. We have every good reason for hope -- hope for peace, yes, and hope for the defense of our civilization and for the building of a better civilization in the future. I have the profound conviction that the American people are now determined to put forth a mightier effort than they have ever yet made to increase our production of all the implements of defense, to meet the threat to our democratic faith.As President of the ed States, I call for that national effort. I call for it in the name of this nation which we love and honor and which we are privileged and proud to serve. I call upon our people with absolute confidence that our common cause will greatly succeed. /201205/182117President Bush Discusses Conservation and the EnvironmentTHE PRESIDENT: Thank you all. Please be seated. Thank you for coming, and Happy New Year. Laura and I thank all of our distinguished guests, starting with members of my Cabinet -- Secretary Kempthorne, Secretary Gutierrez, Administrator Johnson. Admiral, thank you for coming today. We're proud you're here. Mr. Secretary, thank you for being here. Other members of the administration who have joined us. Members of the conservation community, we're glad you're here. Governor, I am proud you're here. Thank you for coming. And Josie is with you. Representatives from -- by the way, Northern Mariana Islands -- Governor. Just in case you don't know him. (Laughter.) We know him -- and we like him. And all the representatives from America Samoa, really appreciate you all coming. Apologize for the weather, but I don't apologize for the policy, because we're fixing to do some fabulous policy. It's interesting that we're gathered a few steps from the office once occupied by a young Assistant Secretary of the Navy named Theodore Roosevelt. Not long after he left the position, he was back on these grounds as the 26th President of the ed States. And exactly a hundred years ago, he embarked on his final weeks as the President -- something I can relate to. (Laughter.) President Roosevelt left office with many achievements, and the most enduring of all was his commitment to conservation. As he once said: "Of all the questions which can come before the nation, short of the actual preservation of its existence in a great war, there is none which compares in importance with leaving this land even a better land for our descendants than it is for us." That spirit has guided the conservation movement for a century; it's guided my administration. Since 2001, we have put common-sense policies in place, and I can say upon departure, our air is cleaner, our water is purer, and our lands are better protected. To build on this progress, I'm pleased to make several announcements today. Under the Antiquities Act that Theodore Roosevelt signed in 1906, the President can set aside places of historic or scientific significance to be protected as national monuments. With the proclamations I will sign in a few moments, I am using that authority to designate three beautiful and biologically diverse areas of the Pacific Ocean as new marine national monuments. The first is we will establish the Marianas Trench Marine National Monument. At the heart of this protected area will be much of the Marianas Trench -- the site of the deepest point on Earth -- and the surrounding arc of undersea volcanoes and thermal vents. This unique geological region is more than five times longer than the Grand Canyon. It is deeper than Mount Everest is tall. It supports life in some of the harshest conditions imaginable. A fascinating array of species survive amid hydrogen-emitting volcanoes, hydrothermal vents that produce highly acidic and boiling water, and the only known location of liquid sulfur this side of Jupiter. Many scientists -- and I want to thank the scientists who have joined us today -- believe extreme conditions like these could have been the first incubators of life on Earth. As further research is conducted in these depths, we will learn more about life at the bottom of the sea -- and about the history of our planet. The other major features of the new monument are the majestic coral reefs off the coast of the upper three islands in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands. These islands, some 5,600 miles from California, are home to a striking diversity of marine life -- from large predators like sharks and rays, to more than 300 species of stony corals. By studying these pristine waters, scientists can advance our understanding of tropical marine ecosystems not only there, but around the world. The second new monument will be the Pacific Remote Islands Marine National Monument. The monument will span seven areas to the far south and west of Hawaii. One is Wake Island -- the site of a pivotal battle in World War II, and a key habitat for nesting seabirds and migratory shorebirds. The monument will also include unique trees and grasses and birds adapted to life at the Equator; the rare sea turtles and whales and Hawaiian monk seals that visit Johnston Atoll; and some of the most pristine and spectacular coral reefs in the world. These isolated specks of land and abundant marine ecosystems are almost completely undisturbed by mankind. And as part of the Pacific Remote Islands National Monument, they will be ideal laboratories for scientific research. The third new monument will be the Rose Atoll Marine National Monument. Rose is a diamond-shaped island to the east of American Samoa -- our nation's southernmost territory. It includes rare species of nesting petrels, shearwaters, and terns -- which account for its native name, "Island of Seabirds." The waters surrounding the atoll are the home of many rare species, including giant clams and reef sharks -- as well as an unusual abundance of rose-colored corals. This area has long been renowned as a place of natural beauty. And now that it's protected by law, it will also be a place of learning for generations to come. Taken together, these three new national monuments cover nearly 200,000 square miles, and they will now receive our nation's highest level of environmental recognition and conservation. This decision came after a lot of consultation -- consultation with local officials, consultation with prominent scientists, consultation with environmental advocates, consultation with the ed States military and the fishing community. Based on these consultations, as well as sound resource management principles, the monuments will prohibit resource destruction or extraction, waste dumping, and commercial fishing. They will allow for research, free passage, and recreation -- including the possibility of recreational fishing one day. For seabirds and marine life, they will be sanctuaries to grow and thrive. For scientists, they will be places to extend the frontiers of discovery. And for the American people, they will be places that honor our duty to be good stewards of the Almighty's creation. The benefits of today's decision reach far beyond nature. The monuments will preserve sites of cultural and spiritual significance to native peoples. They will ensure full freedom of navigation, and include measures to uphold training missions and other military operations. And they will open the door to new economic benefits in the Territories. After all, if travelers now, or students, or scientists, book a ticket to Saipan or Pago Pago, they will know they're headed for a place with friendly people and a vibrant culture, and some of our country's most treasured natural resources. This morning I'm also pleased -- today I'm also pleased to share some news about two other national treasures. One is the Northwestern Hawaiian Islands Marine National Monument, which I created in 2006. This stunning island chain is the largest single conservation area in American history, and the largest fully protected marine area in the world. And the other is Mount Vernon -- the home of America's first President and an agricultural pioneer -- that would be George Washington. I'm pleased to announce the ed States will soon submit a request that these two landmarks become UNESCO World Heritage sites -- America's first such submission in 15 years. The new steps I've announced today are the capstone of an eight-year commitment to strong environmental protection and conservation. Look, I know that sounds contrary to the conventional wisdom of many in the news media. But let me just share a few facts about our record -- and you can be the judge for yourself: Since 2001, air pollution has dropped by 12 percent. The strictest air quality standards in American history are now in place, as are strong regulations on power plant and diesel engine emissions. More than 3.6 million acres of wetlands have been protected, restored, or improved. Millions of acres of vital natural habitat have been conserved on farms. More than 27 million acres of federal forest land have been protected from catastrophic wildfires. The maintenance backlog in our national parks has been reduced. More than 11,000 abandoned industrial brownfields are on their way back to productive use. We've had a new focus on cleaning debris from our oceans. Popular recreational fish like the striped bass and red drum are gaining new protection. And new marine protected areas are helping improve the health of our fisheries off the southeast coast. At the same time, we've taken aggressive steps to make America's energy supply cleaner and more secure -- and confronted the challenge of global climate change. I signed two major energy bills. We raised fuel efficiency standards for automobiles for the first time in more than a decade. We mandated major increases in the use of renewable fuels and the efficiency of lighting and appliances. We dedicated more than billion to developing clean and efficient technologies like biofuels, advanced batteries and hydrogen fuel cells, solar and wind power, and clean, safe nuclear power. We're providing more than billion in loan guarantees to put these technologies to use. We forged an international agreement under the Montreal Protocol mandating major cuts in refrigerants that are some of the most potent greenhouse gases. We built international consensus on an approach that will replace the Kyoto Protocol with a global climate agreement that calls for meaningful commitments to reduce greenhouse gases from all major economies, including India and China. With all these steps, we have charted the way toward a more promising era in environmental stewardship. We have pioneered a new model of cooperative conservation in which government and private citizens and environmental advocates work together to achieve common goals. And while there's a lot more work to be done, we have done our part to leave behind a cleaner and healthier and better world for those who follow us on this Earth. And now I'd like those who have been assigned the task of standing up here to join me as I sign the national monuments. (Applause.) 01/60620国际英文演讲高手 Chapter1-5暂无文本 200709/17874

Mario Cuomo: 1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address"A Tale of Two Cities"[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]Thank you very much.On behalf of the great Empire State and the whole family of New York, let me thank you for the great privilege of being able to address this convention. Please allow me to skip the stories and the poetry and the temptation to deal in nice but vague rhetoric. Let me instead use this valuable opportunity to deal immediately with the questions that should determine this election and that we all know are vital to the American people.Ten days ago, President Reagan admitted that although some people in this country seemed to be doing well nowadays, others were unhappy, even worried, about themselves, their families, and their futures. The President said that he didn't understand that fear. He said, "Why, this country is a shining city on a hill." And the President is right. In many ways we are a shining city on a hill.But the hard truth is that not everyone is sharing in this city's splendor and glory. A shining city is perhaps all the President sees from the portico of the White House and the veranda of his ranch, where everyone seems to be doing well. But there's another city; there's another part to the shining the city; the part where some people can't pay their mortgages, and most young people can't afford one; where students can't afford the education they need, and middle-class parents watch the dreams they hold for their children evaporate.In this part of the city there are more poor than ever, more families in trouble, more and more people who need help but can't find it. Even worse: There are elderly people who tremble in the basements of the houses there. And there are people who sleep in the city streets, in the gutter, where the glitter doesn't show. There are ghettos where thousands of young people, without a job or an education, give their lives away to drug dealers every day. There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don't see, in the places that you don't visit in your shining city.In fact, Mr. President, this is a nation -- Mr. President you ought to know that this nation is more a "Tale of Two Cities" than it is just a "Shining City on a Hill."Maybe, maybe, Mr. President, if you visited some more places; maybe if you went to Appalachia where some people still live in sheds; maybe if you went to Lackawanna where thousands of unemployed steel workers wonder why we subsidized foreign steel. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President, if you stopped in at a shelter in Chicago and spoke to the homeless there; maybe, Mr. President, if you asked a woman who had been denied the help she needed to feed her children because you said you needed the money for a tax break for a millionaire or for a missile we couldn't afford to use. Maybe -- Maybe, Mr. President. But I'm afraid not.Because, the truth is, ladies and gentlemen, that this is how we were warned it would be. President Reagan told us from the very the beginning that he believed in a kind of social Darwinism. Survival of the fittest. "Government can't do everything," we were told. "So it should settle for taking care of the strong and hope that economic ambition and charity will do the rest. Make the rich richer, and what falls from the table will be enough for the middle class and those who are trying desperately to work their way into the middle class."You know, the Republicans called it "trickle-down" when Hoover tried it. Now they call it "supply side." But it's the same shining city for those relative few who are lucky enough to live in its good neighborhoods. But for the people who are excluded, for the people who are locked out, all they can do is to stare from a distance at that city's glimmering towers.It's an old story. It's as old as our history. The difference between Democrats and Republicans has always been measured in courage and confidence. The Republicans -- The Republicans believe that the wagon train will not make it to the frontier unless some of the old, some of the young, some of the weak are left behind by the side of the trail. "The strong" -- "The strong," they tell us, "will inherit the land."We Democrats believe in something else. We democrats believe that we can make it all the way with the whole family intact, and we have more than once. Ever since Franklin Roosevelt lifted himself from his wheelchair to lift this nation from its knees -- wagon train after wagon train -- to new frontiers of education, housing, peace; the whole family aboard, constantly reaching out to extend and enlarge that family; lifting them up into the wagon on the way; blacks and Hispanics, and people of every ethnic group, and native Americans -- all those struggling to build their families and claim some small share of America. For nearly 50 years we carried them all to new levels of comfort, and security, and dignity, even affluence. And remember this, some of us in this room today are here only because this nation had that kind of confidence. And it would be wrong to forget that. So, here we are at this convention to remind ourselves where we come from and to claim the future for ourselves and for our children. Today our great Democratic Party, which has saved this nation from depression, from fascism, from racism, from corruption, is called upon to do it again -- this time to save the nation from confusion and division, from the threat of eventual fiscal disaster, and most of all from the fear of a nuclear holocaust. That's not going to be easy. Mo Udall is exactly right, it won't be easy. And in order to succeed, we must answer our opponent's polished and appealing rhetoric with a more telling reasonableness and rationality.We must win this case on the merits. We must get the American public to look past the glitter, beyond the showmanship -- to the reality, the hard substance of things. And we'll do it not so much with speeches that sound good as with speeches that are good and sound; not so much with speeches that will bring people to their feet as with speeches that will bring people to their senses. We must make -- We must make the American people hear our "Tale of Two Cities." We must convince them that we don't have to settle for two cities, that we can have one city, indivisible, shining for all of its people.Now, we will have no chance to do that if what comes out of this convention is a babel of arguing voices. If that's what's heard throughout the campaign, dissident sounds from all sides, we will have no chance to tell our message. To succeed we will have to surrender some small parts of our individual interests, to build a platform that we can all stand on, at once, and comfortably -- proudly singing out. We need -- We need a platform we can all agree to so that we can sing out the truth for the nation to hear, in chorus, its logic so clear and commanding that no slick Madison Avenue commercial, no amount of geniality, no martial music will be able to muffle the sound of the truth.And we Democrats must unite. We Democrats must unite so that the entire nation can unite, because surely the Republicans won't bring this country together. Their policies divide the nation into the lucky and the left-out, into the royalty and the rabble. The Republicans are willing to treat that division as victory. They would cut this nation in half, into those temporarily better off and those worse off than before, and they would call that division recovery.Now, we should not -- we should not be embarrassed or dismayed or chagrined if the process of unifying is difficult, even wrenching at times. Remember that, unlike any other Party, we embrace men and women of every color, every creed, every orientation, every economic class. In our family are gathered everyone from the abject poor of Essex County in New York, to the enlightened affluent of the gold coasts at both ends of the nation. And in between is the heart of our constituency -- the middle class, the people not rich enough to be worry-free, but not poor enough to be on welfare; the middle class -- those people who work for a living because they have to, not because some psychiatrist told them it was a convenient way to fill the interval between birth and eternity. White collar and blue collar. Young professionals. Men and women in small business desperate for the capital and contracts that they need to prove their worth.We speak for the minorities who have not yet entered the mainstream. We speak for ethnics who want to add their culture to the magnificent mosaic that is America. We speak -- We speak for women who are indignant that this nation refuses to etch into its governmental commandments the simple rule "thou shalt not sin against equality," a rule so simple -- -- I was going to say, and I perhaps dare not but I will, it's a commandment so simple it can be spelled in three letters: E.R.A.We speak -- We speak for young people demanding an education and a future. We speak for senior citizens -- We speak for senior citizens who are terrorized by the idea that their only security, their Social Security,is being threatened. We speak for millions of reasoning people fighting to preserve our environment from greed and from stupidity. And we speak for reasonable people who are fighting to preserve our very existence from a macho intransigence that refuses to make intelligent attempts to discuss the possibility of nuclear holocaust with our enemy. They refuse. They refuse, because they believe we can pile missiles so high that they will pierce the clouds and the sight of them will frighten our enemies into submission.Now we're proud of this diversity as Democrats. We're grateful for it. We don't have to manufacture it the way the Republicans will next month in Dallas, by propping up mannequin delegates on the convention floor. But we, while we're proud of this diversity, we pay a price for it. The different people that we represent have different points of view. And sometimes they compete and even debate, and even argue. That's what our primaries were all about. But now the primaries are over and it is time, when we pick our candidates and our platform here, to lock arms and move into this campaign together. If you need any more inspiration to put some small part of your own difference aside to create this consensus, then all you need to do is to reflect on what the Republican policy of divide and cajole has done to this land since 1980. Now the President has asked the American people to judge him on whether or not he's fulfilled the promises he made four years ago. I believe, as Democrats, we ought to accept that challenge. And just for a moment let us consider what he has said and what he's done.Inflation -- Inflation is down since 1980, but not because of the supply-side miracle promised to us by the President. Inflation was reduced the old-fashioned way: with a recession, the worst since 1932. Now how did we -- We could have brought inflation down that way. How did he do it? 55,000 bankruptcies; two years of massive unemployment; 200,000 farmers and ranchers forced off the land; more homeless -- more homeless than at any time since the Great Depression in 1932; more hungry, in this world of enormous affluence, the ed States of America, more hungry; more poor, most of them women. And -- And he paid one more thing, a nearly 200 billion dollar deficit threatening our future.Now, we must make the American people understand this deficit because they don't. The President's deficit is a direct and dramatic repudiation of his promise in 1980 to balance the budget by 1983. How large is it? The deficit is the largest in the history of the universe. It -- President Carter's last budget had a deficit less than one-third of this deficit. It is a deficit that, according to the President's own fiscal adviser, may grow to as much 300 billion dollars a year for "as far as the eye can see." And, ladies and gentlemen, it is a debt so large -- that is almost one-half of the money we collect from the personal income tax each year goes just to pay the interest. It is a mortgage on our children's future that can be paid only in pain and that could bring this nation to its knees.Now don't take my word for it -- I'm a Democrat.Ask the Republican investment bankers on Wall Street what they think the chances of this recovery being permanent are. You see, if they're not too embarrassed to tell you the truth, they'll say that they're appalled and frightened by the President's deficit. Ask them what they think of our economy, now that it's been driven by the distorted value of the dollar back to its colonial condition. Now we're exporting agricultural products and importing manufactured ones. Ask those Republican investment bankers what they expect the rate of interest to be a year from now. And ask them -- if they dare tell you the truth -- you'll learn from them, what they predict for the inflation rate a year from now, because of the deficit.Now, how important is this question of the deficit.Think about it practically: What chance would the Republican candidate have had in 1980 if he had told the American people that he intended to pay for his so-called economic recovery with bankruptcies, unemployment, more homeless, more hungry, and the largest government debt known to humankind? If he had told the voters in 1980 that truth, would American voters have signed the loan certificate for him on Election Day? Of course not! That was an election won under false pretenses. It was won with smoke and mirrors and illusions. And that's the kind of recovery we have now as well.But what about foreign policy? They said that they would make us and the whole world safer. They say they have. By creating the largest defense budget in history, one that even they now admit is excessive -- by escalating to a frenzy the nuclear arms race; by incendiary rhetoric; by refusing to discuss peace with our enemies; by the loss of 279 young Americans in Lebanon in pursuit of a plan and a policy that no one can find or describe.We give money to Latin American governments that murder nuns, and then we lie about it. We have been less than zealous in support of our only real friend -- it seems to me, in the Middle East -- the one democracy there, our flesh and blood ally, the state of Israel. Our -- Our policy -- Our foreign policy drifts with no real direction, other than an hysterical commitment to an arms race that leads nowhere -- if we're lucky. And if we're not, it could lead us into bankruptcy or war.Of course we must have a strong defense! Of course Democrats are for a strong defense. Of course Democrats believe that there are times that we must stand and fight. And we have. Thousands of us have paid for freedom with our lives. But always -- when this country has been at its best -- our purposes were clear. Now they're not. Now our allies are as confused as our enemies. Now we have no real commitment to our friends or to our ideals -- not to human rights, not to the refuseniks, not to Sakharov, not to Bishop Tutu and the others struggling for freedom in South Africa.We -- We have in the last few years spent more than we can afford. We have pounded our chests and made bold speeches. But we lost 279 young Americans in Lebanon and we live behind sand bags in Washington. How can anyone say that we are safer, stronger, or better?That -- That is the Republican record. That its disastrous quality is not more fully understood by the American people I can only attribute to the President's amiability and the failure by some to separate the salesman from the product.And, now -- now -- now it's up to us. Now it's now up to you and me to make the case to America. And to remind Americans that if they are not happy with all that the President has done so far, they should consider how much worse it will be if he is left to his radical proclivities for another four years unrestrained. Unrestrained.Now, if -- if July -- if July brings back Ann Gorsuch Burford -- what can we expect of December? Where would -- Where would another four years take us? Where would four years more take us? How much larger will the deficit be? How much deeper the cuts in programs for the struggling middle class and the poor to limit that deficit? How high will the interest rates be? How much more acid rain killing our forests and fouling our lakes?And, ladies and gentlemen, please think of this -- the nation must think of this: What kind of Supreme Court will we have? Please [beckons audience to settle down].We -- We must ask ourselves what kind of court and country will be fashioned by the man who believes in having government mandate people's religion and morality; the man who believes that trees pollute the environment; the man that believes that -- that the laws against discrimination against people go too far; a man who threatens Social Security and Medicaid and help for the disabled. How high will we pile the missiles? How much deeper will the gulf be between us and our enemies? And, ladies and gentlemen, will four years more make meaner the spirit of the American people?This election will measure the record of the past four years. But more than that, it will answer the question of what kind of people we want to be.We Democrats still have a dream. We still believe in this nation's future. And this is our answer to the question. This is our credo:We believe in only the government we need but we insist on all the government we need.We believe in a government that is characterized by fairness and reasonableness, a reasonableness that goes beyond labels, that doesn't distort or promise to do things that we know we can't do.We believe in a government strong enough to use words like "love" and "compassion" and smart enough to convert our noblest aspirations into practical realities.We believe in encouraging the talented, but we believe that while survival of the fittest may be a good working description of the process of evolution, a government of humans should elevate itself to a higher order.We -- Our -- Our government -- Our government should be able to rise to the level where it can fill the gaps that are left by chance or by a wisdom we don't fully understand. We would rather have laws written by the patron of this great city, the man called the "world's most sincere Democrat," St. Francis of Assisi, than laws written by Darwin.We believe -- We believe as Democrats, that a society as blessed as ours, the most affluent democracy in the world's history, one that can spend trillions on instruments of destruction, ought to be able to help the middle class in its struggle, ought to be able to find work for all who can do it, room at the table, shelter for the homeless, care for the elderly and infirm, and hope for the destitute. And we proclaim as loudly as we can the utter insanity of nuclear proliferation and the need for a nuclear freeze, if only to affirm the simple truth that peace is better than war because life is better than death. We believe in firm -- We believe in firm but fair law and order. We believe proudly in the union movement. We believe -- We believe in privacy for people, openness by government. We believe in civil rights, and we believe in human rights. We believe in a single -- We believe in a single fundamental idea that describes better than most textbooks and any speech that I could write what a proper government should be: the idea of family, mutuality, the sharing of benefits and burdens for the good of all, feeling one another's pain, sharing one another's blessings -- reasonably, honestly, fairly, without respect to race, or sex, or geography, or political affiliation.We believe we must be the family of America, recognizing that at the heart of the matter we are bound one to another, that the problems of a retired school teacher in Duluth are our problems; that the future of the child -- that the future of the child in Buffalo is our future; that the struggle of a disabled man in Boston to survive, and live decently, is our struggle; that the hunger of a woman in Little Rock is our hunger; that the failure anywhere to provide what reasonably we might, to avoid pain, is our failure.Now for 50 years -- for 50 years we Democrats created a better future for our children, using traditional Democratic principles as a fixed beacon, giving us direction and purpose, but constantly innovating, adapting to new realities: Roosevelt's alphabet programs; Truman's NATO and the GI Bill of Rights; Kennedy's intelligent tax incentives and the Alliance for Progress; Johnson's civil rights; Carter's human rights and the nearly miraculous Camp David Peace Accord.Democrats did it -- Democrats did it and Democrats can do it again. We can build a future that deals with our deficit. Remember this, that 50 years of progress under our principles never cost us what the last four years of stagnation have. And, we can deal with the deficit intelligently, by shared sacrifice, with all parts of the nation's family contributing, building partnerships with the private sector, providing a sound defense without depriving ourselves of what we need to feed our children and care for our people. We can have a future that provides for all the young of the present, by marrying common sense and compassion. We know we can, because we did it for nearly 50 years before 1980. And we can do it again, if we do not forget -- if we do not forget that this entire nation has profited by these progressive principles; that they helped lift up generations to the middle class and higher; that they gave us a chance to work, to go to college, to raise a family, to own a house, to be secure in our old age and, before that, to reach heights that our own parents would not have dared dream of.That struggle to live with dignity is the real story of the shining city. And it's a story, ladies and gentlemen, that I didn't in a book, or learn in a classroom. I saw it and lived it, like many of you. I watched a small man with thick calluses on both his hands work 15 and 16 hours a day. I saw him once literally bleed from the bottoms of his feet, a man who came here uneducated, alone, unable to speak the language, who taught me all I needed to know about faith and hard work by the simple eloquence of his example. I learned about our kind of democracy from my father. And, I learned about our obligation to each other from him and from my mother. They asked only for a chance to work and to make the world better for their children, and they -- they asked to be protected in those moments when they would not be able to protect themselves. This nation and this nation's government did that for them.And that they were able to build a family and live in dignity and see one of their children go from behind their little grocery store in South Jamaica on the other side of the tracks where he was born, to occupy the highest seat, in the greatest State, in the greatest nation, in the only world we would know, is an ineffably beautiful tribute to the democratic process.And -- And ladies and gentlemen, on January 20, 1985, it will happen again -- only on a much, much grander scale. We will have a new President of the ed States, a Democrat born not to the blood of kings but to the blood of pioneers and immigrants. And we will have America's first woman Vice President, the child of immigrants, and she -- she -- she will open with one magnificent stroke, a whole new frontier for the ed States. Now, it will happen. It will happen if we make it happen; if you and I make it happen. And I ask you now, ladies and gentlemen, brothers and sisters, for the good of all of us, for the love of this great nation, for the family of America, for the love of God: Please, make this nation remember how futures are built.Thank you and God bless you.200606/7527Remarks by the President on ProcurementRoom 350Dwight D. Eisenhower Executive Office Building10:20 A.M. ESTTHE PRESIDENT: Good morning. Even if these were the best of times, budget reform would be long overdue in Washington. And we have here some folks who have been working on these issues for a long time.But these are far from the best of times. By any measure, my administration inherited a fiscal disaster. When we walked in the door we found a budget deficit of .3 trillion, the largest in American history. And this fiscal burden has been compounded by the most severe economic crisis since the Great Depression. It's a crisis that requires us to take swift and aggressive action to put Americans back to work, and to make the long-delayed investments in energy, health care and education, that can build a new foundation for growth.As we get our economy moving we must also turn the tide on an era of fiscal irresponsibility so that we can sustain our recovery, enhance accountability and avoid leaving our children a mountain of debt. And that's why even as we make the necessary investments to put our economy back on track, we're proposing significant changes that will help bring the yawning deficits we inherited under control. We are cutting what we don't need to make room for what we do.The budget plan I outlined next week includes trillion in deficit reduction. It reduces discretionary spending for non-defense programs as a share of the economy that -- by more than 10 percent over the next decade, to the lowest level in nearly half a century. I want to repeat that. I want to make sure everybody catches this, because I think sometimes the chatter on the cable stations hasn't been clear about this. My budget reduces discretionary spending for non-defense programs as a share of the economy by more than 10 percent over the next decade, and it will take it to the lowest level in nearly half a century.In addition, today I'm announcing that part of this deficit reduction will include reforms in how government does business, which will save the American people up to billion each year. It starts with reforming our broken system of government contracting. There is a fundamental public trust that we must uphold. The American people's money must be spent to advance their priorities -- not to line the pockets of contractors or to maintain projects that don't work.Recently that public trust has not always been kept. Over the last eight years, government spending on contracts has doubled to over half a trillion dollars. Far too often, the spending is plagued by massive cost overruns, outright fraud, and the absence of oversight and accountability. In some cases, contracts are awarded without competition. In others, contractors actually oversee other contractors. We are spending money on things that we don't need, and we're paying more than we need to pay. And that's completely unacceptable.This problem cuts across the government, but I want to focus on one particular example, and that is the situation in defense contracting. Now, I want to be clear, as Commander-in-Chief, I will do whatever it takes to defend the American people, which is why we've increased funding for the best military in the history of the world. We'll make new investments in 21st century capabilities to meet new strategic challenges. And we will always give our men and women the -- in uniform, the equipment and the support that they need to get the job done.But I reject the false choice between securing this nation and wasting billions of taxpayer dollars. And in this time of great challenges, I recognize the real choice between investments that are designed to keep the American people safe and those that are designed to make a defense contractor rich.Last year, the Government Accountability Office, GAO, looked into 95 major defense projects and found cost overruns that totaled 5 billion. Let me repeat: That's 5 billion in wasteful spending. And this wasteful spending has many sources. It comes from investments and unproven technologies. It comes from a lack of oversight. It comes from influence peddling and indefensible no-bid contracts that have cost American taxpayers billions of dollars.In Iraq, too much money has been paid out for services that were never performed, buildings that were never completed, companies that skimmed off the top. At home, too many contractors have been allowed to get away with delay after delay after delay in developing unproven weapon systems.03/63772The President Holds an Open Discussion Across the AisleToday the President did something unusual in American politics – initiated an open dialogue with members of the opposite party. Visiting the House Republican retreat, he took questions on anything they wanted to talk about. He heard them out, acknowledged where they were right, and gave a genuine explanation where he felt they were wrong.It's worth noting that the President is looking to answer your questions as well. That's why immediately after the State of the Union, we partnered with YouTube to give you an opportunity to ask questions of the President. Go and ask whatever you want, or just vote on other questions that your fellow citizens have submitted, and the President will answer some of those questions in a unique live event on Monday at WhiteHouse.gov.201001/95821

To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free,对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家,we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny.我们要提出保,绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后,却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view.我们不能老是期望他们会持我们的观点.But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由,并应记取,在过去,那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人,结果却被虎所吞噬。To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves,对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们,我们保尽最大努力助其自救,不管需要多长时间。for whatever period is required not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right.这并非因为共产党会那样做,也不是由于我们要求他们的选票,而是由于那样做是正确的。If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人,也就不能保全那少数的富人。To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds,对于我国边界以内的各共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保:要把我们的美好诺言化作善行,in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty.在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers.但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas.让我们所有的邻邦都知道,我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.让其它国家都知道,西半球的事西半球自己会管。To that world assembly of sovereign states, the ed Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace,至于联合国这个各主权国家的世界性议会,在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中,we renew our pledge of support to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective,它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的持诺言;不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛,to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.加强其对于新国弱国的保护,并扩大其权力所能运用的领域。Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace,最后,对于那些与我们为敌的国家,我们所要提供的不是保,而是要求:双方重新着手寻求和平,before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。03/437800My fellow citizens, no people on earth have more cause to be thankful than ours, and this is said reverently,同胞们,荣耀属于那些真正身处人生竞技场上人!世界上没有哪一个民族比我们更有理由感到欣慰了,这样说是谦恭的,in no spirit of boastfulness in our own strength,绝无夸耀我们的力量之意,but with gratitude to the Giver of Good who has blessed us with the conditions which have enabled us to achieve so large a measure of well-being and of happiness.而是怀着对赐福于我们、使我们能够有条件获得如此巨大的幸福康乐的上帝的感激之情,To us as a people it has been granted to lay the foundations of our national life in a new continent.作为一个民族,我们获得上帝的许可,在新大陆上奠下国民生活的基础。We are the heirs of the ages, and yet we have had to pay few of the penalties which in old countries are exacted by the dead hand of a bygone civilization.我们是时代的继承者,然而我们无需像在古老的国家里那样,承受以往文明的遗留影响所强加的惩罚。We have not been obliged to fight for our existence against any alien race;我们不必为了自己的生存而去同任何异族抗衡;and yet our life has called for the vigor and effort without which the manlier and hardier virtues wither away.然而,我们的生活要求活力和勤奋,没有这些,雄健刚毅的美德就会消失殆尽。Under such conditions it would be our own fault if we failed; and the success which we have had in the past,在这种条件下,倘若我们失败了,那便是我们自己的过错;the success which we confidently believe the future will bring, should cause in us no feeling of vainglory,我们在过去获得的成功,我们深信未来将带给我们的成功,不应使我们目空一切,but rather a deep and abiding realization of all which life has offered us; a full acknowledgment of the responsibility which is ours;而是要深刻地长久地认识到生活为我们提供的一切,充分认识我们肩负的责任,and a fixed determination to show that under a free government a mighty people can thrive best,并矢志表明;在自由政府的领导下,一个强大的民族能够繁荣昌盛,alike as regards the things of the body and the things of the soul.物质生活如此,精神生活必也如此。Much has been given us, and much will rightfully be expected from us.我们被赋予的很多,期望于我们的自然也很多。We have duties to others and duties to ourselves; and we can shirk neither.我们对他人负有义务,对自己也负有义务;两者都不能逃避。We have become a great nation, forced by the fact of its greatness into relations with the other nations of the earth,我们已成为一个伟大的国家,这一事实迫使我们在同世界上其他国家交往时,and we must behave as beseems a people with such responsibilities.行为举止必须与负有这种责任的民族相称。Toward all other nations, large and small, our attitude must be one of cordial and sincere friendship.对于其他一切国家,无论大国还是小国,我们的态度都必须热诚真挚友好。We must show not only in our words, but in our deeds,我们必须不仅用语言,而且以行动表明,that we are earnestly desirous of securing their good will by acting toward them in a spirit of just and generous recognition of all their rights.我们公正、宽宏地承认他们的一切权利,用这种精神对待他们,我们热切希望能从而获得他们的善意。But justice and generosity in a nation, as in an individual, count most when shown not by the weak but by the strong.但是,一个国象的公正与宽宏,如同一个人的公正与宽宏一样,不是由弱者而是由强者表现出来时,才为人推崇。While ever careful to refrain from wrongdoing others, we must be no less insistent that we are not wronged ourselves.在我们极其审慎地避免损害别人时,我们必须同样地坚持自己不受伤害。We wish peace, but we wish the peace of justice, the peace of righteousness.我们希望和平,但是我们希望的是公正的和平,正义的和平。We wish it because we think it is right and not because we are afraid.我们这样希望是因为我们认为这是正确的,而不是因为我们怯懦胆小。No weak nation that acts manfully and justly should ever have cause to fear us,行事果敢正义的弱国决无理由畏惧我们,and no strong power should ever be able to single us out as a subject for insolent aggression.强国则永远不能挑选我们作为蛮横入侵的对象。Our relations with the other powers of the world are important; but still more important are our relations among ourselves.我们同世界上其他强国的关系是重要的,但更为重要的是我们内部之间的关系。Such growth in wealth, in population, and in power as this nation has seen during the century and a quarter of its national life is inevitably accompanied随着国家在过去125年中所经历的财富、人口和实力的增长,就像每一个逐步壮大起来的国家by a like growth in the problems which are ever before every nation that rises to greatness.所遇到的情况一样,02/434547We will build our defenses beyond challenge, lest weakness invite challenge.我们要防患于未然,懈怠会带来麻烦。We will confront weapons of mass destruction, so that a new century is spared new horrors.我们还要阻止武器泛滥,使新的世纪摆脱恐怖的威胁。The enemies of liberty and our country should make no mistake: America remains engaged in the world by history and by choice, shaping a balance of power that favors freedom.反对自由和反对我们国家的人应该明白:美国仍将积极参与国际事务,力求世界力量的均衡,让自由的力量遍及全球。这是历史的选择。We will defend our allies and our interests.我们会保护我们的盟国,捍卫我们的利益。We will show purpose without arrogance.我们将谦逊地向世界人民表示我们的目标。We will meet aggression and bad faith with resolve and strength.我们将坚决反击各种侵略和不守信用的行径。And to all nations, we will speak for the values that gave our nation birth.我们要向全世界宣传育了我们伟大民族的价值观。America, at its best, is compassionate.正处在鼎盛时期的美国也不缺乏同情心。In the quiet of American conscience, we know that deep, persistent poverty is unworthy of our nations promise.当我们静心思考,我们就会明了根深蒂固的贫穷根本不值得我国作出承诺。And whatever our views of its cause, we can agree that children at risk are not at fault.无论我们如何看待贫穷的原因,我们都必须承认,孩子敢于冒险不等于在犯错误。Abandonment and abuse are not acts of God, they are failures of love.放纵与滥用都为上帝所不容,这些都是缺乏爱的结果。And the proliferation of prisons, however necessary, is no substitute for hope and order in our souls.监狱数量的增长虽然看起来是有必要的,但并不能代替我们心中的希望-人人遵纪守法。Where there is suffering, there is duty. Americans in need are not strangers, they are citizens; not problems, but priorities.哪里有痛苦,我们的义务就在哪里。对我们来说,需要帮助的美国人不是陌生人,而是我们的公民;不是负担,而是急需救助的对象。And all of us are diminished when any are hopeless.当有人陷入绝望时,我们大家都会因此变得渺小。03/438239

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