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2019年10月15日 21:36:47    日报  参与评论()人

上饶治疗晒斑多少钱上饶疤痕修复多少钱Australia’s political leaders sought to reassure the public about their safety on Tuesday as the country began to come to terms with a “lone wolfattack in Sydney that led to the deaths of three people, including the gunman.澳大利亚政治领导人周二希望缓解公众对于自身安全的担忧,该国开始认定悉尼人质事件是一次“独狼lone wolf)行动。该事件导致包括手本人在内人死亡。The violent end to a siege at the Lindt café follows the enactment by Canberra of some of the toughest antiterrorism laws in the developed world amid heightened concerns of an attack by radicalised Islamist fighters.在警方对瑞士莲巧克力咖啡Lindt Chocolat Café)展开强攻结束此次事件之前,澳大利亚实施了发达国家一些最为严厉的反恐法律,国际社会对于伊斯兰激进武装分子发动袭击的担忧日益加剧。“Australians should be reassured by the way our law enforcement and security agencies responded to this brush with terrorism,said Tony Abbott, Australia’s prime minister. “Tragically, there are people in our community y to engage in politically motivated violence.”“澳大利亚人应对我们执法部门和安全机构应对这种恐怖主义事件的方式感到放心,”澳大利亚总理托尼#8226;阿Tony Abbott)表示,“可悲的是,我们社会中有人准备参与有政治动机的暴力行为。”Police said they were still trying to ascertain the motives behind the attack by Man Haron Monis, 50, an Iranian refugee who was on bail facing charges of sexual assault and was known for sending hate letters to the families of Australian soldiers killed overseas.警方表示,他们仍在确0岁的伊朗难民#8226;哈龙#8226;莫尼Man Haron Monis)劫持人质的动机。莫尼斯是一名面临多起性侵指控的保释人员,曾因向在海外阵亡的澳大利亚军人的家属发送仇恨信件而出名。Armed with a shotgun, Monis took 17 people hostage early on Monday morning in the café, which is in the heart of one of Sydney’s busiest financial and shopping districts.周一早晨,手持猎的莫尼斯在这家咖啡厅绑架了17名人质,这家咖啡厅位于悉尼最繁忙的金融和购物区之一的核心地带。According to local media reports, Monis’s demands during the siege, made via messages spoken by hostages, included being given a flag of the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant, also known as Isis.据当地媒体报道,莫尼斯在被警方包围时通过视频由人质提出其要求,包括给他们一面“伊拉克和黎凡特伊斯兰国Isis)旗帜。Security analysts said it was unlikely he had formal ties with Isis, or had received any training from terrorists.安全分析人士表示,他不太可能与Isis有正式关联,也不太可能接受过恐怖主义者的训练。Amid fears the incident could provoke an increase in Islamaphobic attacks, Muslim community leaders stressed Monis acted alone and was not a terrorist.外界担心,对这类事件的担忧可能会导致袭击伊斯兰事件增多,但穆斯林社区领导人强调,莫尼斯是单独行动,不是一名恐怖分子。Mr Abbott said there “were lessons to be learntfrom the siege in Sydney and that the incident would be thoroughly studied by the authorities.阿特表示,我们可以从此次悉尼人质事件中“吸取教训”,政府将彻查该事件。One of the questions facing the authorities is why Monis was free on bail despite facing serious charges as accessory to murder and sexual assault. New South Wales recently tightened its bail laws and the federal government has enacted strict laws to detain people suspected of being engaged in terrorism.澳大利亚政府面临的一个问题是,莫尼斯为何在面临多项严重罪名指控下可以获得保释,其中包括协助他人谋杀和性侵,新南威尔士最近加强了保释法,联邦政府也实施了严格法律,拘留涉嫌参与恐怖活动的人员。Muslim groups say the government should invest more in programmes to combat radicalisation rather than introducing tough security laws that can alienate young people.穆斯林组织表示,政府应更多致力于遏制极端主义的计划,而不是出台更为严苛的安全法律,这可能会与让年轻人更有距离感。来 /201412/349412上饶市第一人民医院减肥瘦身多少钱 上饶注射玻尿酸医院

上饶抽脂价格上饶市立医院抽脂多少钱 Look up Sunday to see a truly special cosmic event: A supermoon total lunar eclipse.周日7日)我们将见一个特殊的天文现象:超级月亮和月全食同时出现。Not only will the moon be at its closest point point to Earth in it orbit on Sept. 27, it will also pass completely into Earths shadow, turning the lunar body into a red-tinted ;blood moon; for anyone who has clear, dark skies on the planets surface.97日,月球将距离地球最近,也会完全进入地球的阴影,把月亮染成一个“血月”。届时只要有黑暗无遮挡的天空,全世界的人都能看到这一奇景;All of South America and most of North and Central America will see the entire eclipse, while those west of roughly 120°W will see it in progress at moonrise,; NASA said in a statement. ;You wont need special equipment to see it. Just go outside and look up!;“所有南美洲地区,以及大部分北美和美洲中部地区将能看到月全食的整个过程,而在西经120°以西地区的人们可以在月亮上升的时候观察到。”NASA(美国国家航空航天局)在一次声明中表示。“你不需要任何特殊的设备,走到外面抬头看就可以。”This will mark the first time a total lunar eclipse during a supermoon has occurred since 1982, and it wont happen again until 2033.上一次超级月亮和月全食同时出现是982年,而下一次将出现033年。During a supermoon, the moon can actually look up to 14% larger in diameter; however, everyday skywatchers might not be able to tell the difference.在超级月球出现的时候,月球的直径可以比平时看起来大14%。不过大众天文观察者并不一定能观察到这种区别。Scientists can also collect a fair bit of data about the moon during a lunar eclipse that they wouldnt be able to get otherwise.科学家在月食期间可以也得到许多平时无法获取的月球数据。For example, NASAs Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO) will be able to take measurements of the moons surface temperature.比如,NASA(美国国家航空航天局)的LRO(美国月球勘测轨道飞行器)将可以测量月球表面的温度。By learning more about how the temperature of the surface of the moon changes, scientists can actually have new insights about the structure of the surface of the moon, NASA LRO deputy project scientist Noah Petro, said in a NASA interview.“通过研究月球表面温度的变化,科学家们可以对月球表面结构有更新的认识”,LRO的助理项目科学家Noah Petro在一次视频采访中说。来 /201509/400765上饶弋阳县隆鼻多少钱

上饶市第三人民医院减肥手术多少钱 The US and much of the world have been rudely awakened to the fact that the group formerly known as Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant is both a dangerous terrorist organisation, and considerably more than that. The deadly reality of its capabilities and ambitions is captured in the latest title by which Isis styles itself: the Islamic State. It is a de facto government with evolving borders that seeks to impose its vision of society on the millions of people over whom it rules. And, as it has dramatically shown since the capture of the Iraqi city of Mosul in June, it seeks to expand its borders and the numbers subject to its control.美国和世界大部分地区被这样一个事实粗暴地唤醒:原先被称为“伊拉克与黎凡特伊斯兰国”(Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant,简称Isis)的组织,远不止是一个危险的恐怖主义组织;它的致命实力和野心,反映在它给自己的最新封号上:伊斯兰Islamic State)。这是个事实上的政府,有着仍在变化的边界线,谋求将自己的社会愿景强加于自己统治的数百万号民众头上。此外,这个组织还谋求扩张自己的边界,扩大自己控制的民众数量。自6月攻占伊拉克苏尔以来,这一意图已表露无遗。The biggest question now facing western states is what to do about Syria. Iraq’s neighbour is where Isis established itself and from where it directs its operations. The fact is that the world cannot defeat Isis in Iraq, or limit its potential elsewhere, if it continues to enjoy sanctuary in Syria. Yet this is a country whose president, Bashar al-Assad, stands accused by the west of war crimes as part of an onslaught against his own citizens that has fuelled a conflict costing almost 200,000 lives.西方国家眼下面临的最大问题在于,该如何对待伊拉克的邻国叙利亚。Isis就是在叙利亚站稳脚跟的,至今仍从叙利亚指挥各项行动。事实是,如果Isis继续在叙利亚拥有根据地,世界就无法在伊拉克击败Isis,也无法在别的地方遏制它的潜在危害。然而,为难的是,西方谴责叙利亚总统巴沙#8226;阿萨Bashar al-Assad)在一场针对本国人民的战争中犯下战争罪,对一场导致近20万人死亡的冲突负有责任。The first thing that needs to be done, despite White House reluctance, is to make good on what General Martin Dempsey, chairman of the US joint chiefs of staff, suggested last week. The US should attack Isis targets across the border from Iraq inside Syria. More could and should be done, too, to slow the flow of recruits, arms and dollars.当务之急是(尽管白宫不情愿这样做)尽快落实美国参谋长联席会议主席马#8226;邓普Martin Dempsey)上将上周的提议:美国应跨过伊拉克边境,打击叙利亚境内的Isis目标。我们还应该、也有能力加大努力,减慢Isis招募成员以及筹措武器和资金的速度。Yet even with support from US special forces, Kurdish peshmerga, Sunni tribesmen and Iraqi ground troops operating at home together with attempts to close borders and banks there are limits to what air power can achieve. What is needed are ground forces operating inside Syria. This is where things get complicated. Very complicated.然而,即便有美军特种部队、库尔德“自由斗士”、逊尼派部落以及本土作战的伊拉克地面部队的持,并采取措施尝试关闭边境和,空中打击的效果仍将是有限的。我们需要的是在叙利亚境内作战的地面部队。谈到这一点,事情就变得非常复杂了。In principle there are four options. The US and European governments could provide ground forces. But, with widesp hostility to renewed military involvement following wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, this is a political non-starter. An expeditionary force would be an undertaking of enormous cost and risk, with no prospect of speedy success and likely to yield at best only limited progress. Given public attitudes, it is not going to happen.基本上,我们种选择。美国和欧洲政府可以出动地面部队。但考虑到伊拉克和阿富汗战争后普遍的反战情绪,这在政治上是不可能实现的。出动远征军成本高昂、风险巨大,也不可能迅速取得胜利,至多只会取得有限的进展。考虑到民意,这是一种不可能的选择。A second option would be to create a pan-Arab expeditionary force, one with units from Jordan, Saudi Arabia, the ed Arab Emirates and possibly Egypt. Organising and deploying such a force would be extremely difficult. It might also trigger intervention from other outsiders with a stake in Syria’s future, including Iran. If this were to happen, what is aly a bad situation could become worse.第二个选择是,由约旦、沙特、阿联酋、或许还有埃及,共同出兵组建一泛阿拉伯远征军。这样一军队的组织和部署将异常困难,或许还会引发其他与叙利亚未来利益相关的外部力量的干预,其中包括伊朗。若如此,已经很糟的情况可能变得更糟。The third option is to create an internal Syrian opposition, building on elements that aly exist. But this, too, would take a good deal of time, and it would be a tall order for any such force to contend successfully with both the Syrian government and Isis.第三个选择是以现有力量为基础,组建一叙利亚内部的反政府武装。但这需要花费很长时间,而且指望这样一部队能同时击败叙利亚政府和Isis是不现实的。The fourth option is to turn to the regime of Mr Assad to take the lead in defeating Isis. This would mean accepting for the foreseeable future a regime that has committed war crimes; that is supported by Iran and Russia, with which the west has considerable strategic differences; and that is opposed by countries, including Saudi Arabia, with which the US has more often than not co-operated.第四个选择是,转向阿萨德政权,让其领导对Isis的打击。这意味着在可预见的未来接受一个犯有战争罪的政权;一个得到与西方存在显著战略分歧的伊朗和俄罗斯持的政权;一个经常与美国合作的国家(包括沙特)反对的政权。Such a policy change would be costly but not as costly as a scenario in which Isis could use Syrian territory from which to mount attacks on the region and beyond. The Assad government may be evil but it is a lesser evil than Isis, and a local one. Such an accommodation would require a great deal of diplomacy if it were to succeed. Understandings would have to be reached with Damascus, with the mostly secular opposition, much depleted by three years of brutal battles against Isis and the regime; and with outside backers (mainly Iran and Saudi Arabia) about how Syria was to be run, both now and in the future, and what would happen in liberated areas.这样的政策转向代价高昂,但假如Isis以叙利亚为根据地,对中东乃至世界其他地区发动攻击,我们将付出更为高昂的代价。阿萨德政府或许邪恶,但没有Isis邪恶,而且只局限于本土。这种安排要想取得成功,需要做大量外交工作。我们必须就叙利亚现在和未来的治理方式、以及如何对待已经被反对派解放的地区,与大马士革方面、基本上世俗的反对派(与Isis和阿萨德政权的三年残酷斗争已使其被削弱)以及双方的外部持者(主要是伊朗和沙特)达成谅解。As is often the case, the more attractive options may not be feasible, while the option that could prove feasible would present distinct difficulties. The calculus argues for determining whether creating a pan-Arab force or developing a viable internal opposition are possible in the near future; if not, the US and Europe may have to live with, and even work with, a regime they have for years sought to remove. What is certain is that it should be a priority to convene a meeting of all the relevant governments which, if initial discussions with other countries show promise, should include the Assad regime to determine whether a common policy towards Syria and Isis can be forged.就像经常发生的情况一样,更诱人的选择或许不可行,而可能可行的选择面临明显的困难。从逻辑上说,应当确定在较近的未来是否有可能组建一泛阿拉伯部队,或扶植一有望成功的内部反对力量;如果不可能,那么美国和欧洲或许就必须容忍一个自己多年来寻求推翻的政权继续存在,甚至与这个政权合作。有一点是肯定的,那就是当务之急是召集所有相关政府开会,确定能否制定一套针对叙利亚和Isis的共同政策;如果与其他国家的初步讨论有眉目,那么也应邀请阿萨德政权参与讨论。来 /201409/325359上饶韩美整形美容医院治疗疤痕怎么样上饶县中医院美容中心

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