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来源:新华助手    发布时间:2019年12月15日 06:11:00    编辑:admin         

BEIJING (AP) Hillary Clinton privately said the U.S. would ;ring China with missile defense; if the Chinese government failed to curb North Koreas nuclear program a potential hint at how the former secretary of state would act if elected president.希拉釷克林顿私下表示美国会用“防御导弹包围中国”,如果中国政府不能有效遏制北朝鲜的核计划,这很可能暗示着这位前国务卿如果能当选总统后会采取的行动Clintons remarks were revealed by WikiLeaks in a hack of the Clinton campaign chairmans personal account. The emails include a document excerpting Clintons private speech transcxts which she has refused to release.克林顿的讲话因克林顿竞选主席的个人账户被黑客攻击,被维基解密所披露。这封电邮包含了一个她不愿公开的私人演讲文档A section on China features several issues in which Clinton said she confronted the Chinese while leading the U.S. State Department.当面对中国领先美国国务院时,她说的一段有关中国特性的几个问题 /201610/471797。

In one letter, Donald J. Trump ranted about the crisis of unsightly hot dog vendors on his beloved Fifth Avenue. “Having ketchup and mustard splattered all over the sidewalk,he wrote, “is disgraceful.”在一封信里,唐纳德·J·特朗Donald J. Trump)怒斥有损市容的热小贩给他钟爱的第五大道带来了危机。“把番茄酱和芥末撒得满人行道都是,”他写道,“简直有失体统。”In another note, he paid flowery tribute to his young wife, whom he referred to as “my little darling.“You’re everything I hoped for,he wrote.在另一封短信里,他把年轻的妻子唤作“我的小心肝儿”,并用华丽的辞藻赞美对方。“你是我渴望的一切,”他写道。In a different missive, he offered a rare admission of weakness, declaring, “I am nothing more than a frustrated writer of little talent.”在另一封信函里,他难得地承认自己也有弱点:“我只是一个才华匮乏、灰心丧气的写作者。”Mr. Trump, the presumptive Republican presidential nominee, is a master of modern media, exploiting Twitter and television to punish his enemies, energize his allies and promote himself.稳获共和党总统候选人提名的特朗普精通现代媒体的运作,常常利用Twitter和电视台惩罚敌人,激励盟友,并进行自我推销。But perhaps his most powerful and memorable form of communication is the old-fashioned ritual of a personal letter, written on embossed paper or scrawled across a newspaper clipping, signed by hand and sent from the 26th floor of Trump Tower.但他采用的最有效也最令人难忘的沟通方式,或许是遵循老派的礼仪写下私人信净?有的信写在压纹纸上,有的则潦草地写在报纸上,附带手写的签名,寄信地址是特朗普大厦(Trump Tower)26楼。Churned out prolifically from a computer-free desk, they are letters of gratitude, hate, flattery and revenge, dispatched to teenage admirers and big-city mayors, professional athletes and magazine editors. The tone can range from florid to juvenile, pleading to poisonous.大量此类信函都是在一张并未摆放电脑的书桌上写就的,用以传达感激、憎恶、奉承、仇恨之意,会被送到十几岁的仰慕者、大城市的市长、专业运动员、杂志编辑各色人等手中。文风或华美或孩子气,言辞或恳切或恶毒。Tightly clutched and prominently displayed even by those who despise him, the epistles have become keepsakes and mementos for hundreds of people across the country. Viewed as a collection from the 1970s to now, they offer an unusual archive of his emotional ups and downs.即便是鄙视他的人,也会把这些信件牢牢攥在手里,摆放在显眼的位置,它们已经被全国各地成百上千人当成了纪念品。在把这些信函当970年代至今的一系列信函收藏时,它们以一种独特方式记录了特朗普的情绪起伏。The letter that Mr. Trump sent to Mike Tollin, a movie director, makes for painful ing: It denounced Mr. Tollin’s film about the collapse of the ed States Football League, and about Mr. Trump’s role in the demise, as “third rateand “extremely dishonest.In a final, fulminating flourish, Mr. Trump wrote: “P.S. You are a loser.Nevertheless, Mr. Tollin had the letter framed and he keeps it on a shelf in his office, next to photographs of his family.009年,特朗普给电影导演迈克·托林(Mike Tollin)写了一封绝对会令对方不快的信。托林拍了一部关于美国橄榄球联盟(ed States Football League)解体以及特朗普在其中所起作用的电影。特朗普在信中把科林的这部电影斥为“三流”作品,称其“极不诚实”。他在信末写道:“另,你是一个失败者。”尽管如此,科林还是把这封信裱了起来,摆在办公室里的一个架子上,就在他的家庭合影旁边。“People come by and immediately want to see it, touch it and hold it,Mr. Tollin said with pride.“人们来到这里,立刻就想看到它、触碰它、拿起它,”托林颇为得意地说。Today, as Mr. Trump tries to make peace with hostile figures in his party, the candidate renowned for his rhetorical flame throwing is deploying a conciliatory style of letter writing as his chief weapon.如今,特朗普正竭力和共和党内对他怀有敌意的人物搞好关系。因此,这位以言辞激烈著称的候选人开始把书写语带安抚的信函当成自己的大杀招。His handwritten overtures have started to arrive in the mailboxes of seemingly implacable foes, like Charlie Sykes, a conservative radio host in Milwaukee, who has described Mr. Trump as a “whiny, thin-skinned bully.”他手写的示好书笺,已经开始抵达看似与其有着不共戴天之仇的一些人士的信箱。比如曾管特朗普叫“爱抱怨的薄脸皮恶霸”的密尔沃基市保守派广播主持人查理·赛克斯(Charlie Sykes)。“Charlie,began Mr. Trump’s note, scribbled with a thick black pen on the front page of The New York Times, next to an article about skeptical Republicans warming to Mr. Trump, “I hope you can change your mind.Ever attuned to incentives, the real estate mogul dangled an offer: “Look forward to doing your show,he wrote, adding, “I will win!”“查理,”便笺的开头,特朗普以粗黑笔体在《纽约时报The New York Times)头版关于持怀疑态度的共和党人开始接纳特朗普的文章旁边龙飞凤舞地写道,“我希望你能改变想法。”这位惯于采取激励措施的地产大亨还在信中抛出了诱饵——“期待上你的节目”,并表示“我一定会赢!”。It did not change Mr. Sykes’s dim view of Mr. Trump. But he was, he conceded, impressed by the gesture. “Give him credit that he’s doing this,Mr. Sykes said. “He’s willing to do some things that might be somewhat at odds with his public image.”这封信没有改变赛克斯对特朗普的不良看法。但他承认,特朗普的姿态让人印象深刻。“这样做会给他加分,”赛克斯说。“他现在愿意去做一些在某种程度上可能与他的公众形象不太相符的事情。”The letters culled from personal and public archives reveal Mr. Trump’s insecurities, but also his perceptiveness about power, ego and what motivates people. From early on, he seemed to intuitively grasp the potency of his praise when lavished on like-minded men.这些信件——有些是私人收藏,有些则来自公共档案馆——揭示了特朗普的不安全感,但也表明他对权力和自我颇具洞察力,他清楚地知道什么能给人以激励。从很早开始,他似乎就本能地知道,自己对志同道合者的大力赞美有着怎样的效力。In the 1990s, Mr. Trump occasionally fawned over New York’s brash mayor, Rudolph W. Giuliani. In one letter, Mr. Trump tore out a page from a magazine interview in which he had called Mr. Giuliani “the greatest mayor that the city’s ever had.In case Mr. Giuliani missed the homage, Mr. Trump drew two bold arrows, each pointing at the glowing passage, and reiterated the message in a handwritten note: “Rudy, you are the greatest!he wrote, adding, “see you soon.”在1990年代,特朗普时不时会奉承一下盛气凌人的纽约市长鲁道夫·W·朱利安尼(Rudolph W. Giuliani)。在一封信里,特朗普附上了从某本杂志上撕下来的一页报道——他接受该杂志采访时说朱利安尼是“这个城市有史以来最伟大的市长”。为了防止朱利安尼错过他的致敬,他画了两个粗粗的箭头,指向那段赞美之词,并在手写的便笺中重申了这层意思:“鲁Rudy),你是最伟大的!”然后加上一句“回头见”。There is never any question about authorship: Mr. Trump’s style of writing sounds virtually identical to his hyperbolic manner of speech, with a healthy sprinkling of the words “greatand “tremendous,abundant displays of self-regard and over-the-top claims of success or doom.从未有人怀疑这些信函的出处:特朗普的文风看起来和他夸张的说话风格几乎完全一致,频繁出现“伟大”、“极棒”之类的字眼,充分展现他自视甚高的一面,充斥着对于成功或毁灭的无节制描述。He could write with striking tenderness to Ivana, according to notes reviewed by The Times. “I adore and love my little darling,he wrote to her in one. “I truly believe that you are the greatest,he wrote in another.《纽约时报》查阅到的信件显示,他写给伊万娜(Ivana)的信散发着动人的柔情。“我仰慕并热爱我的小心肝儿,”他在给她的一封信中写道。“我真心实意地认为你是最棒的,”他在另一封信中写道。On the page, anyway, Mr. Trump was even capable of humility, describing himself as a scribe of “little talentin a 1985 note to Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, then the publisher of The Times. (Mr. Trump had an agenda: to complain about a reporter he disliked.)不管怎样,在纸头上,特朗普甚至可以表现得颇为谦逊985年,他在写给时报时任发行人阿瑟·奥克斯·苏兹伯格(Arthur Ochs Sulzberger)的便笺中,自称“才华匮乏”的写作者。(特朗普的真正目的是投诉一个他不喜欢的记者。)Mr. Trump traces his epistolary habits to his attempt to win over Franklin M. Jarman, who controlled a Manhattan department store that Mr. Trump wanted to buy in the 1970s to make way for Trump Tower. Mr. Jarman rarely replied to Mr. Trump’s letters, but he had, in fact, them, Mr. Trump wrote in his book “The Art of the Deal,laying the groundwork for an agreement. “The letters I wrote eventually did have an impact,Mr. Trump said.特朗普说他写信的习惯可以追溯970年代。当时他想买下一家百货商场,以便修建特朗普大厦,于是便写信给该商场的控制人富兰克林·M·贾曼(Franklin M. Jarman),试图说对方。贾曼很少给特朗普回信,但他的确阅读了所有信件,特朗普在《交易的艺术The Art of the Deal)一书中写到,这为交易的达成奠定了基础。“我写的那些信最终的确发挥了作用,”特朗普说。For years, Mr. Trump sent his letters the old-fashioned way, by mail. But over time, members of his staff dragged him into the internet era sort of. He still writes by hand, brandishing the favored tool of teacherscorrections and athletesautographs, a black Sharpie. Now his aides often turn the letters into digital files, scanning them and sending them by email.在很多年里,特朗普一直以邮寄这种老派的方式发出信件。但随着时间的推移,他身边的一些工作人员在某种程度上把他拖进了互联网时代。他依然手写信件,用的是老师批改作业、运动员给人签名时最爱用的那种黑色记号笔。现在,他的助手常常把这些信件转成电子版,先扫描再发电子邮件。But he refuses to let anyone else do the writing. “If I had a secretary to do them,he said in an interview, “they wouldn’t be nearly as effective, they wouldn’t be nearly as sharp.”但他拒绝让任何人替他写信。“如果我让秘书代笔,”他接受采访时说,“那它们绝不会如此有效,也绝不会如此犀利。”Each letter concludes with his extravagant signature, which resembles a city skyline or “a seismograph,as Graydon Carter, the editor of Vanity Fair and a repeat recipient of Mr. Trump’s screeds, described it.他会在每封信的结尾附上极具设计感的签名,看起来好像城市的天际线,或者如《名利场Vanity Fair)编辑格雷顿·卡Graydon Carter)所说,像“一个地震仪打出的线条”。卡特不止一次收到过特朗普写来的洋洋洒洒的信件。来 /201606/447747。

When supporters of the Vote Leave campaign sketch out a future for Britain outside the EU, they often point to the “Anglosphereof English-speaking nations bequeathed by Britain’s imperial past. So Barack Obama’s intervention in Britain’s EU referendum last week was a potentially devastating moment for the Brexit campaign. Here was the president of the US the most powerful member of the Anglosphere arguing forcefully for Britain to stay inside the EU. 当英国退出欧盟运动的持者为脱离欧盟后的英国勾勒未来时,他们经常说到由英语国家构成的“盎格鲁文化圈Anglosphere)——英国帝国时代的遗产。因此,巴拉#8226;奥巴Barack Obama)上周对英国退欧公投的介入,可能成为退欧运动的灾难性时刻。这位美国(盎格鲁文化圈最强大的成员)总统来到英国,有力地主张英国应该留在欧盟内In desperation, some members of the Leave campaign have suggested that Mr Obama might harbour a special animus against Britain. Boris Johnson, the mayor of London, flirted with the theory that the “part-Kenyan president’s ancestrymight explain his views. 无奈之下,退欧运动的一些持者暗示,奥巴马或许对英国抱有特殊敌意。伦敦市长鲍里斯#8226;约翰Boris Johnson)提到,这位“总统拥有的肯尼亚血统”或许可以解释他的观点In reality, no special explanation is needed for Mr Obama’s remarks. It has long been US policy to support British membership of the EU. 实际上,奥巴马的话无需特殊解释。持英国留在欧盟内,是美国长期以来一直坚持的政策Yet the Brexiters are on to something in a broader sense. For all the ritualistic tributes to the enduring nature of the special relationship, something has changed during the Obama years. That shift is a growing awareness in both Washington and London of the rise of Asia, which has made both the US and the UK reconsider their approaches to the world and each other. 然而,退欧运动的持者在更广泛意义上切中了要害。虽然对英美特殊关系经久不衰有许多礼节性的赞颂,但有些东西在奥巴马担任总统期间发生了变化。这变化就是,华盛顿和伦敦方面都日益认识到了亚洲的崛起。这种认识已使美英两国开始重新考虑自己的对外政策,包括对彼此的政策President Obama’s personal background does indeed matter here. But the significant point is not that he is the first African-American president, but that he is the first Pacific president. Mr Obama was brought up in Hawaii, in the middle of the Pacific Ocean, and spent several years of his childhood in Indonesia. Like no other president before him, he really grasps the vital and growing importance of the Asia-Pacific region. 在这方面,奥巴马总统的个人背景的确有影响。但关键点不在他是首位非洲裔美国总统,而在于他是首位来自太平洋地区的美国总统。奥巴马在太平洋上的夏威夷长大,并在印度尼西亚度过了数年童年时光。与历届总统都不同的是,他真正懂得亚太地区关键且日益增长的重要性The signature foreign policy initiative of the Obama years has been America’s “pivot to Asia Amid all the turmoil in the Middle East and Ukraine, the US president has remained grimly, stubbornly, determined to devote more of his country’s diplomatic, military and economic resources to Asia. 美国“转向亚洲pivot to Asia)战略是奥巴马时期美国提出的标志性外交政策。虽然中东、乌克兰动荡不断,但奥巴马一直顽强、固执、坚决地将美国更多的外交、军事和经济资源投向亚洲There was much talk, during Mr Obama’s London visit, about whether the US might strike a separate trade deal with a post-Brexit Britain, or whether it would focus more on the US-EU Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Mr Obama controversially suggested that the UK would be at the “back of the queuein any quest for a separate trade deal. 奥巴马访问伦敦期间,很多人都在谈论:美国是否有可能与脱离欧盟的英国单独签署贸易协定,或者是否会将更多注意力放在美欧之间的《跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴关系协定TTIP)上。奥巴马暗示,如果英国想要签署单独贸易协定,它将排在“队伍末尾”。奥巴马的这一言论引发争议But the reality is that America’s biggest trade priority is neither the UK nor the EU it is Asia. While negotiations on TTIP are still years from conclusion, the Trans-Pacific Partnership deal has aly been agreed between the US and 11 other nations in the Asia-Pacific region, and now awaits ratification. 但现实是,美国在贸易上最优先考虑的对象既非英国,也不是欧盟,而是亚洲。围绕TTIP的谈判仍需数年才能有结果,但美国与亚太地区其他11个国家已就《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定TPP)达成一致,现在协议正等待美国国会批准Some Brits and Europeans hope that the departure of President Obama might mean that the US places less emphasis on Asia and pivots back to the Atlantic. That is unlikely. Any US president who looks at America’s strategic priorities is likely to come to conclusions similar to Mr Obama’s. Hillary Clinton, his likeliest successor, is a firm believer in the “pivotto Asia, as she made clear in a 2011 article entitled “America’s Pacific Century 一些英国人和欧洲人希望,奥巴马总统任期的结束或许意味着美国会降低对亚洲的重视程度,重新将重心转向大西洋。这种情形不大可能出现。任何一位美国总统对美国的各个战略优先对象进行权衡之后,都可能得出与奥巴马类似的结论。最有希望成为奥巴马继任者的希拉#8226;克林Hillary Clinton)是“转向”亚洲战略的坚定持者——正如她011年发表的一篇题为《美国的太平洋世纪America’s Pacific Century)的文章中表明的那样The British, in particular, have few grounds to complain about America’s current preoccupation with Asia and the Pacific, since the Cameron government has been conducting its own pivot to Asia even at the expense of ties to the US. David Cameron has led a succession of high-profile trade delegations to Asia and signed Britain up as a founder member of the Beijing-based Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, against the express wishes of the US government. One member of the Obama administration complained (to the Financial Times) about Britain’s “constant accommodationof China. 英国尤其没有理由抱怨美国当下对亚太地区的专注,因为卡梅伦政府一直在实施自己的转向亚洲战略——甚至不惜损害与美国的关系。英国首相戴#8226;卡梅David Cameron)曾多次高调率领贸易代表团访问亚洲,而且忤逆美国政府的明确意愿,让英国成为了总部设在北京的亚洲基础设施投资(AIIB)的创始成员国。奥巴马政府的一名官员曾向英囀?金融时报》抱怨英国“不断迁就”中囀?Of course, there are still deep historic and cultural ties linking Britain and America. Anybody who doubts that should consider the number of leading members of the US foreign-policy establishment who once studied at Oxford. Susan Rice, Mr Obama’s national security adviser, Bill Burns, who was Mrs Clinton’s deputy at the State Department, and Jake Sullivan, one of her closest advisers, are all Oxford alumni. 当然,依然有深厚的历史、文化纽带将英美两国连在一起。所有对此存疑的人都应该看看,美国外交政策圈有多少主要成员曾就读于牛津大Oxford)。奥巴马的国家安全顾问苏#8226;赖斯(Susan Rice)、希拉里担任国务卿时的副国务卿比#8226;伯恩Bill Burns)以及希拉里最亲近的顾问之一杰克#8226;沙利Jake Sullivan),都是牛津大学校友These kinds of links help give Britain easy access in Washington. But, in future, even elite educational ties may be thinner. Stephen Schwarzman, an American financier, has just set up a major scholarship scheme, inspired by the Rhodes scholarships to Oxford, to take high-achieving Americans and others to study at Tsinghua University in Beijing. Mr Schwarzman’s not-unreasonable assumption is that, in future it might be more important for aspiring American leaders to understand China. 这些联系可以帮助英国很容易地接近华盛顿。但未来,即使精英校友的纽带都可能变得薄弱。美国金融家苏世Stephen Schwarzman)刚刚设立了一个大规模奖学金项目——受牛津大学罗兹(Rhodes)奖学金的启发——资助优秀的美国及其他国家学生到北京的清华大学(Tsinghua University)学习。苏世民不无道理的假设是,对有抱负的未来美国领导者而言,了解中国或许更加重要The rise of Asia is also changing the nature of Canada and Australia, two other key members of the historic Anglosphere. Australia does 10 times as much trade, by value, with China and Japan as it does with Britain. The population of Toronto, Canada’s largest city, is now around 35 per cent ethnic Asian, and the figure is well over 40 per cent for Vancouver on the Pacific coast. 亚洲的崛起也正在从根本上改变盎格鲁文化圈的另外两个关键成员——加拿大和澳大利亚。按价值算,澳大利亚与中国和日本的贸易是其与英国贸易的十倍。在加拿大最大城市多伦多,如今约35%的人口是亚裔,而在太平洋沿岸的温哥华,亚裔比例大大超过40%Still, any Brits who feel nostalgic for the Anglosphere, and a little resentful about Mr Obama’s “back of the queuecomments, might reflect how much they still benefit from the cultural power of the US. The traditional Anglosphere may be in disrepair. But a different sort of Anglosphere has emerged in Brussels, with English now the common language of the EU institutions. 不过,所有怀念盎格鲁文化圈而且对奥巴马的“队伍末尾”言论感到些许愤恨的英国人,或许都应该想一想,他们仍多么大地受益于美国的文化力量。传统的盎格鲁文化圈或许已经没落。但一种不同类型的盎格鲁文化圈已出现在布鲁塞尔——英语如今是欧盟各机构的通用语言。来 /201604/439949。