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来源:管诊疗    发布时间:2019年09月17日 22:24:33    编辑:admin         

“Our family. Our jobs. Our future,is the message conveyed on the Facebook page and Twitter feed. Gazing out from the screen are a blonde woman, two blonde children, a pair of sheepdogs and a miner wearing overalls.“我们的家庭。我们的工作。我们的未来。”这是Facebook和Twitter上“我们的铁矿石Our Iron Ore)运动页面发布的信息。一个金发女人、两个金发儿童,一对牧羊犬,还有一个身穿工作的矿工透过屏幕看着你。This is the all-Australian family, with the mining sector at its heart, as envisaged by a campaign called “Our Iron Ore It is one of two competing public relations initiatives embroiled in bitter argument in Australia over this abundant commodity.这是这个被称为“我们的铁矿石”的运动所描绘的一个全澳大利亚人家庭,采矿业是这个家庭的核心。该运动是两项针锋相对的公共关系倡议之一,两者正在围绕澳大利亚丰富的铁矿石资源进行激烈论战。As the patriotic element of the “Ourcampaign suggests, iron ore is anything but prosaic in Australia, whose economy relies heavily on the hundreds of millions of tonnes sucked in annually by China’s steelmaking industry. In Western Australia’s Pilbara region, the iron ore heartland, its price movements are part of everyday conversation.正如“我们”运动的爱国主义元素所显示的,铁矿石对澳大利亚来说至关重要,因为该国经济严重依赖每年以数亿吨计输出至中国钢铁业的铁矿石。在西澳大利亚的铁矿石腹地——皮尔巴Pilbara,上图为皮尔巴拉的一家力拓公司拥有的铁矿石矿)地区,铁矿石价格波动是人们日常谈论的话题。In 2011, the price of iron ore scaled the heights of 0 per tonne and brought a bonanza for Australia. Four years later, the price has slumped by about 75 per cent: this month it fell below /t. Thousands of jobs are being cut and smaller, domestic miners are under pressure.2011年,铁矿石价格升至每90美元的高点,为澳大利亚带来一个巨大财源。四年后,铁矿石价格已经下跌了约75%:本月,价格已经跌至每吨45美元以下。数千个工作岗位被裁减,澳大利亚国内的中小型铁矿石生产商正面临压力。What has ensued is an Australian iron ore civil war, in which the main antagonists are the miners themselves.在澳大利亚,随之而来的是一场围绕铁矿石的“内战”,战争的双方就是铁矿石生产商自己。Behind the “Our Iron Orecampaign is an Australian miner called Fortescue Metals Group and its combative founder and chairman, Andrew “TwiggyForrest. It blames the price slump on multinational rivals meaning BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto and accuses them of harming Australian interests by flooding the iron ore market with excess supply, driving down industry profits and tax revenue and putting jobs at risk. “我们的铁矿石”运动背后的持者是一家名为Fortescue Metals Group的澳大利亚铁矿石生产商及其好斗的创始人兼董事长安德鲁輠里斯特(Andrew Forrest,因幼时瘦弱,绰号“柴禾棒Twiggy))。该公司将价格暴跌归咎于其竞争对手——跨国公司必和必BHP Billiton)与力Rio Tinto),指责它们的过量供应冲击了铁矿石市场,拉低了行业利润和税收收入,威胁到就业,从而损害了澳大利亚的利益。Iron ore taxes “help pay for schools, roads, police stations and pensionsthe campaign says, adding that the sector needs a “sustainable, Australian-focused future该运动称,铁矿石税“帮助付了学校、道路、警察局及养老金开”,并补充说,这一行业需要一个“可持续、以澳大利亚为重心的未来”。Such pro-Australia arguments seemed to strike a chord. Even Tony Abbott, prime minister, mused on whether an inquiry into the workings of the iron ore market would be sensible.此类亲澳大利亚观点似乎引起了共鸣。即使澳大利亚总理托尼縠伯Tony Abbott)都在思考:对铁矿石市场的运作进行调查是否明智。David Flanagan, managing director of a junior producer called Atlas Iron that was rescued from oblivion by a complex deal with its suppliers and contractors, backs the idea of a parliamentary inquiry, saying ordinary Australians need to understand how the iron ore price is set and how the industry works.市场地位不高的铁矿石生产商Atlas Ironthat董事总经理戴维弗拉纳David Flanagan)持由议会进行调查的观点,他说,普通的澳大利亚人需要了解铁矿石价格如何被设定以及这个行业如何运作。这家原本快要被遗忘的公司此前由于与供应商及承包商达成了一笔复杂交易而再次被记起。Mr Flanagan says the rhetoric of BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto is partly to blame for the drop in prices, with their plans to keep expanding spooking many investors and traders.弗拉纳根说,必和必拓与力拓的言论应该对价格下跌负部分责任,它们继续扩大生产的计划吓到了许多投资商和交易商。The multinationals are hitting back through the Minerals Council of Australia, a sector lobby group, saying restricting output would not work. The council has set up a rival online and social media campaign called “Iron Ore Facts promising to address “mythsput out about the industry.这些跨国公司通过行业游说团体——澳大利亚矿业协Minerals Council of Australia)进行了回击,称限制产量不会有用。该委员会已经发起了一项与“我们”运动针锋相对的网络和社交媒体运动,名为“铁矿石真相Iron Ore Facts),誓言要澄清围绕这一行业的种种“误解”。One fact or at least prediction is that iron ore will be worth 0bn to Australia’s economy over the next 10 years, more than in the past decade.一个事实(或者至少是预测)是,铁矿石对未0年澳大利亚经济的价值将达到6000亿美元,超过过去10年的水平 /201507/386323。

It is harder than you might think to explain in Chinese the background to Scotland’s independence debate, not least because the three English words “nation “countryand “stateare in Mandarin all generally translated as a single word: guojia.用中文解释苏格兰独立辩论的背景或许会比你以为的更难,这主要是因为在中文中,nation(国家,民族)、country(国家)和state(国家,政府)这三个词都被笼统地翻译为同一个词:“国家”。As an exiled Scot, I had to wrestle with this lack of linguistic precision many times while living in China during the 1990s and 2000s. Why, friends and acquaintances asked, was Scotland considered a nation when it was part of the highly centralised UK state? Why did it in 1999 suddenly acquire a parliament after three centuries without one? And of greatest interest to Beijing cab drivers why did it have a national football team but compete in the Olympics as part of Great Britain?我是一个背井离乡的苏格兰人,在上世0年代至本世纪头十年、我在中国生活的那些年里,我多次遇到无法用中文精确表述的麻烦。朋友与相识的人那时会问我,苏格兰为何既被视为一个国nation)、同时又属于高度集权的英国?之前个世纪里都没有的苏格兰议会,为何999年忽然成立了?而北京的出租车司机最感兴趣的问题是,苏格兰为何有自己的国家足球队,但又作为大不列颠国家队的一部分参加奥运会?But the hardest thing for many of my Chinese friends to understand was how Scottish nationalism could be an accepted part of the British political landscape. In China, a state founded on the carcass of the Qing Dynasty in 1912, independence movements are anathema. Any “splittismin Tibet or western Xinjiang is ruthlessly crushed and Taiwan’s de facto independence only grudgingly granted temporary toleration.不过,我的许多中国朋友们那时最难以理解的是,苏格兰民族主义为何居然能成为英国政治图景中一个可接受的组成部分?中国是在1912年被推翻的清朝的残骸上建立起来的,独立运动在这个国家是个禁忌。西藏、新疆的“分裂主义”都受到无情地镇压,台湾事实上的独立也只不过被勉强、暂时地容忍下来。The UK’s response to Scottish splittism is very different, as I have come to appreciate since returning to the land of my youth to be the FT’s Scotland correspondent after nearly two decades in east Asia. Here, the process is firmly democratic and almost entirely peaceful. All sides of the debate accept that Scotland’s future should be decided by the will of its people. Where other states confronted by separatism send in the tanks, the UK to its great credit hits back with promises of more devolved powers and colourful leaflets talking up the benefits of union.在东亚待了近20年之后,我返回故土、担任英囀?金融时报》驻苏格兰记者,我发现,英国对苏格兰分裂主义的应对方式大不相同。在这里,程序是绝对民主、且近乎完全和平的。参与辩论的各派都认同一点:苏格兰的未来应该由苏格兰人民的意志决定。其他面临分裂主义问题的国家出动的是坦克,而值得赞赏的是,英国反击分裂主义的方式是承诺加大权力下放,制作各种五颜六色的小册子、宣传联盟的好处。That is not to say that Scotland’s debate has been wholly admirable the quality has been patchy, a flowering of respectful and rational discussion often drowned out by the ranting and spinning of professional politicians and partisan media. Though anti-English attitudes have been mercifully absent from the mainstream debate, a nasty nationalist fringe has besmirched some exchanges on social media and street corners.这并不是说苏格兰的辩论完全没有缺点——辩论质量一般,严肃、理性的讨论往往被职业政客和偏袒某一党派的媒体的夸夸其谈所淹没。尽管幸运的是,反英格兰情绪没有出现在主流辩论中,但一种龌龊的民族主义极端思想污染了社交媒体和坊间的某些谈话。But it is worth stepping back for a moment. The possible secession of a third of the landmass and 8 per cent of the population of a major power is being addressed through overwhelmingly peaceful, free and often even friendly debate. To appreciate how precious that is, you need only look as far as Ukraine, where March’s disputed referendum opened the way for Russian annexation of Crimea and bloody battles have raged between government troops and separatists in border regions. Participants in Scotland’s debate might risk insults and in the case of one pro-union MP an egging but nobody is shooting them or shelling their villages.但应该退后一步来看。三分之一国土%人口可能从一个大国分裂出去,这个问题正在通过令人吃惊的和平、自由、很多时候甚至友好的辩论得到讨论。要理解这有多么难得,你只用看看乌克兰—月举行的有争议的公投,导致俄罗斯吞并克里米亚、政府武装和分裂主义者在边境地区爆发血腥战斗。参与苏格兰独立辩论者或许面临受到辱骂的风险,就一位持维持联盟的议员而言,还面临被砸鸡蛋的风险,但没有人会对他们开,或炮轰他们的村庄。One result of this more civilised atmosphere is to lower the stakes of the dispute. Scottish nationalists cannot credibly claim their nation is being oppressed. The version of independence on offer by the Scottish National party is thus a strikingly moderate one, espousing civic values rather than ethnic identity and stressing continuing close links with the remaining UK. An independent Scotland would seek to remain firmly within the European Union, with its commitment to the free movement of people and trade.这种更加文明的氛围的结果之一,是降低了争论所涉及的利害。苏格兰民族主义者无法令人信地宣称,他们的民族受到压迫。因此,苏格兰民族党(SNP)提出的独立主张非常温和,信奉公民价值观,而不是民族认同,强调继续与英国其余部分保持紧密联系。独立后的苏格兰将谋求坚决留在欧EU)内,承诺允许人员自由流动和自由贸易。This suggests Scotland would not be independent in the sense my Chinese friends might understand the word. There would be only a difference of degree between independence and a future as a devolved part of the UK. Scotland would be tightly tied to the economy of the remaining UK and deeply enmeshed in the greater European whole. Some pro-union politicians warn darkly that independence would undermine the security of the west and comfort its enemies, but it seems much more likely that the European order would quickly adjust to the appearance of an independent Scotland y to make its own contribution to common security.这意味着苏格兰的独立,或许会跟我的中国朋友们理解的独立不一样。独立跟作为英国的享有一定自治权的一部分,两者只有程度的差别。苏格兰经济将与英国其余地区紧密联系在一起,并将深深融入欧盟整体。一些持联盟的政客阴暗地警告称,独立将破坏西方的安全,让敌人如意,但可能性大得多的情况是,欧洲的秩序将迅速根据新独立的苏格兰做出调整,独立后的苏格兰将乐于对共同安全做出自己的贡献。It is also striking how willing Scotland’s pro-independence campaign is to embrace a future in which national autonomy is limited, so long as it is the Scots who can decide what aspects of their sovereignty to share or pool.苏格兰持独立的阵营愿意接受一种国家自治权有限的未来,只要分享和共用哪些主权是由苏格兰人决定,这一点也令人惊异。Indeed I would like to think that Scotland’s independence referendum, whatever the result, might eventually be seen as only one step in a much longer and broader process of change in Europe away from the automatic assumption that the fundamental unit of political affairs is the traditional sovereign nation state.事实上,我倒认为,欧洲正在经历一种更长远、更广泛的变化进程,摆脱一种理所当然的观念,即政治事务的基本单位为传统主权民族国家,苏格兰的独立公投(无论其结果如何)或许最终会被视为这一进程中的一步。We should not be afraid of such change. The nation state is after all only a social construct, in its current conception generally dated to the mid-17th century. As the examples of Ukraine or Tibet suggest, democracy and the rule of law are much more likely to promote human happiness than allegiance to a particular flag or set of borders.我们不应害怕这样的改变。民族国家毕竟只是一种社会观念,按照其目前定义,大体上可追溯7世纪中期。如乌克兰和西藏的例子所示,民主和法治能够促进人类福祉的可能性,大大高于效忠某面特定旗帜或版图的界线所能做到的。I will vote on September 18, but my choice will not be decided by any particular passion for statehood, British or Scottish. In my ideal world, nation states would actually fade in importance and emphasis shift to a wider range of political units that would allow genuinely global co-operation on issues such as climate change and truly local decision-making for individual communities.我会8日那天投票,但我的选择将不会由我对某个国家(无论是英国还是苏格兰)的热爱所决定。在我看来,在理想的世界中,民族国家事实上会越来越不重要,重心将转移到范围更广的政治单位上,这会使气候变化等问题能够实现真正的全球合作,让每个社会能够真正实现本地事务本地决策。Such a future is very far off, of course. In the meantime we can at least take the Scottish referendum as an example of how issues of identity and sovereignty can be peacefully and democratically tackled and hopefully resolved. I look forward to trying to explain that to my Chinese friends.当然,这一天还很遥远。与此同时,我们至少能将苏格兰公投作为例子,看看身份和主权问题如何能够以和平、民主的方式得到处理,如果顺利的话还有望得到解决。我期待着尝试向我的中国朋友们解释这一点。来 /201409/328660。

Breast-feeding has well established short-term benefits, but now researchers have found that its advantages may persist into adulthood.母乳喂养的短期效益早已得到世人公认,现在,研究人员又发现,这种优势可能会一直持续到孩子成年之后。Many studies of breast-feeding are confounded by social factors in the ed States, for example, people of higher socioeconomic status tend to breast-feed longer. But the population in this study covered a wide-ranging socioeconomic spectrum of women who breast-fed.许多关于母乳喂养的研究都受到了社会因素的干扰,例如,在美国,社会经济地位较高的母亲行母乳喂养的时间较长。但是,这项新研究所考察的人群涵盖了社会经济各个阶层中进行母乳喂养的女性。The study, in the April issue of Lancet Global Health, began in 1982 with 5,914 newborns. The duration of breast-feeding and the age when the babies began eating solid foods was recorded. Thirty years later, researchers were able to interview and test 3,493 of the original group.这项发表在《柳叶刀:全球卫生》杂Lancet Global Health)4月号上的研究始于1982年,涉及5914名新生儿。研究人员记录了母乳喂养的持续时间和婴儿开始食用固体食物时的年龄0年后,当年的那些新生儿长大成人,其中3493人接受了研究人员的访谈和测试。After controlling for maternal education and smoking, family income, birth weight and other factors, they found that at age 30, compared with people breast-fed for a month or less, those breast-fed 12 months or more had higher I.Q. scores, more years of education and higher monthly incomes.在对母亲的受教育程度和吸烟情况、家庭收入、婴儿的出生体重和其他因素进行核验后,研究人员发现,同样0岁,与母乳喂养不超过一个月的人相比,得到母乳喂养至2个月的人智商得分较高,受教育年限较长,月收入也较多。Still, the authors acknowledge that this is an observational study, and that many other unmeasured factors could have influenced their results.不过,作者承认,这只是一项观测研究,而且许多别的不可测因素也可能会影响他们的结果。“I don’t want to terrify people who did not breast-feed or who breast-fed for a short time,said the lead author, Bernardo Lessa Horta, an associate professor at the Federal University of Pelotas in Brazil. “It isn’t only breast-feeding that affects I.Q. and income. But our study does show that breast-feeding is important and should be encouraged.”“我不想吓到那些没有得到过母乳喂养或者母乳喂养时间很短的人,”该研究的主要作者,巴西贝罗塔斯联邦大学(Federal University of Pelotas)的副教授贝尔纳多·莱萨·奥尔Bernardo Lessa Horta)说。“母乳喂养并非影响智商和收入的唯一因素。但我们的研究确实显示,母乳喂养非常重要,应予以鼓励。”来 /201505/377690。