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2019年06月16日 04:44:50    日报  参与评论()人

雅安绣眉学习班崇州市学绣眉毛多少钱Puck needs to watch out.帕克要当心了。As she searches the sea grass, she will be unaware of any shark approaching.当它到达海草场时,还没发现鲨鱼正在接近。If a tiger shark closes her from behind,her sonar can not detect it.如果一只虎鲨从后面靠近,它的声呐就不起作用了。Distracted,Puck could easily be attacked.慌乱中的帕克就会很容易遭到攻击。Once detected,Puck can easily out swim the shark.一旦发现鲨鱼,帕克很容易就能逃脱。But when her calf arrives, it wouldnt be so easy for her to escape.但此刻它有在身,所以逃起来有点困难。It gets very shallow on here,this is the low tide too.这里非常浅,还伴随着低潮汐。Dugongs, mother and a calf,oh look at this little baby,look at that.一度儒艮母子!看那个小宝宝!快看哪!More than 10,000 dugongs live in Shark Bay.鲨鱼湾生活着10000多只儒艮。Its the largest population in the world.这是世界上最大的数量。Grazing on the grassbeds,they are the most vulnerable to shark attacks.正在草床上吃草的它们是最容易受到鲨鱼攻击的。In the shallows, they have less room to maneuver.在浅水区它们没有太多空间活动。The calf swims on top of its mum,that way is to protect it from tiger sharks which could make a good meal of a dugong calf.小儒艮在妈妈上方游着,这样就可以避免被虎鲨袭击,小儒艮是顿极好的美餐。Much slower swimming than dolphins ,thousands of dugong calves are taken by sharks every summer.它们比海豚游得慢的多,每年夏天有上千只小儒艮被鲨鱼吃掉。Got dolphins and dugongs together here.我们发现这里的海豚与儒艮生活在一起。Hey,Puck.oh..youre wide.嘿,帕克,噢,你真大。Looking for clues as to when Puck might give birth.为了了解帕克何时会分娩,Janet lowers a special microphone into the water.珍妮特把一个特殊的麦克风放入水中。201404/288211成都至诚臻国际纹绣培训学纹唇漂唇多少钱 America and South Asia美国和南亚Infernal triangle坏到底的三角关系A history of Americas tangled dealings with India and Pakistan美国应付印巴关系—乱如麻的历史A friendly wave from Mr Sharif谢里夫挥舞着手臂以示友好Avoiding Armageddon: America, India and Pakistan to the Brink and Back.By Bruce Riedel.书名:《逃离浩劫:美印巴三国又退到了悬崖边上》THE recent election of a new government in Pakistan led by Nawaz Sharif seems to bode well for an easing of tensions on the subcontinent. When Mr Sharif was last in office, in 1999, he achieved a breakthrough in relations with India. That, however, was soon followed by the most recent of the four wars the two countries have fought. Undaunted, he says again that he wants to make friends with India.目前由纳瓦兹谢里夫领导的巴基斯坦展开了新一轮政府大选,这次大选似乎很好地预示了南亚次大陆紧张局势有缓解的趋势。上一次担任总理一职还是在1999年,谢里夫当时在处理与印度关系上取得突破性进展;虽然成果很快就由印巴四次战争所取代。如今谢里夫毫不气馁的再一次表示要同印度做朋友。Five years ago, the last time a new Pakistani government took over, it too promised a new era in relations. That came to naught when a terrorist onslaught on the city of Mumbai was carried out by Pakistanis with, the evidence suggests, the help of Pakistans spy service.五年前上一届巴基斯坦新政府刚刚掌权时,政府同样承诺开启印巴关系新纪元。随着孟买遭到恐怖分子的猛烈攻击,随着有关据显示袭击是巴基斯坦情报机关提供帮助,巴国人策划实施,一切都化为泡影。In his book, “Deadly Embrace”, Bruce Riedel, a former CIA analyst long at the centre of American decision-making about South Asia, told the unhappy story of Americas relations with Pakistan. From the Pakistani side, it was a tale of repeated betrayal by a fickle ally. For the Americans it was one of constant double-dealing from a partner that later could not be trusted with an advance warning of the raid that killed Osama bin Laden in 2011.布鲁斯里德尔之前一直在美国决策中心南亚分部任中央情报局分析员。年,里德尔出版《致命的拥抱》,书中讲述了关于美巴不尽如人意的关系。从巴国角度看,其实就是一个善变的盟友反复无常上演背叛的故事。从美国的角度看,则是一个伙伴不断的做一些背信弃义的事情;之后,2011年美国连刺杀本拉登的消息都没有提前向巴方通告。“Avoiding Armageddon”, his new book, adds the other two sides of the triangle: the India-Pakistan saga of wars, near- wars and uncertain peaces, and Americas scratchy relations with India. Of course, the main obstacle for India has been Americas close ties with Pakistan. These present American diplomacy with one of its trickiest balancing acts. Pakistan will remain an important ally as American troops pull out of Afghanistan in large numbers before 2015. Yet, in Mr Riedels blunt summary: “America and Pakistan are on opposite sides in the Afghan civil war.”里德尔的新书《逃离浩劫》将三角关系的另两边加了进来:印巴长期以来繁冗的战事、几次接近战争的边缘和不确定的和平;美印之间棘手的关系。诚然,印度眼里的“沙子”正是美巴之间密切的关系。这些恰恰展示了美国人技术含量颇高的外交平衡手段。2015年美军从阿富汗撤军之前,巴基斯坦人仍旧是美国重要的盟友。不过,里德尔毫不掩饰的指出:“美巴双方之于阿富汗内战的态度是完全对立的。”America has also invested heavily in building close ties with India, as a kindred democratic spirit and a counterweight to a rising China. As Mr Riedel points out, Barack Obama is not the first president to try to “have it both ways” in pursuing good relations with both India and Pakistan. Mr Riedel also recalls that American presidential efforts have “consistently failed”.因为印度与美国有相同的民主理念,可以作为制衡飞速发展中国的棋子,美国同样花了大力气建立密切的美印关系。里德尔指出,对于美印和美巴关系,奥巴马并不是美国历史上第一位试图“同时拉拢”的总统。同时他还回忆说美国总统的这些努力总是在“一如既往的失败”。So America is in a weak position to influence one of the worlds most dangerous potential conflicts. If nuclear war is ever to be fought, India and Pakistan are the most likely battlefields. India showed remarkable restraint after the 2008 Mumbai attack. It would find it hard to do so again. Pakistan would lose a conventional war with India, so it might be tempted to use its nuclear arsenal, which it is expanding fast.这样说来,美国即是在以一个弱势的角色,想去影响世界上最危险的潜在冲突。如果世界爆发核战争,印巴绝对是第一战场。印度在2008年孟买遭袭后显出了异乎寻常的自制力。但是,如果我们希望印度继续克己,当真难上加难。巴基斯坦和印度开战,绝对不会拥有打常规战争的机会,所以巴国也会动用自己的核武器储备,动用本国扩充迅猛的核武储备。Mr Riedel, like most analysts, is better at describing why it is so difficult to repair India-Pakistan relations, and why it would be so desirable to do so, than at charting how. But he has presented a cogent argument that America—and other outside powers—should be trying harder.与大多数分析家一样,里德尔也更擅长去形容一番为什么印巴关系难以修复,为什么两国冲突不可避免,而不是仔细观察,寻找解决之道。好在里德尔展示了一个令人信的论,即美国和其他外部势力应该再加把劲。 /201404/293868自贡学习纹绣多少钱

巴中纹绣 学校成都/漂唇培训学校哪家好 彭州市韩国学纹绣培训机构

华蓥市pcd纹绣培训学校Books and Arts; Book Review;Hamas and social services;Food not bombs文艺;书评;哈马斯和社会务; 食物不是炸弹;Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector. By Sara Roy.加沙的伊斯兰抵抗运动与公民社会:参与伊斯兰主义社会事业。萨拉·罗伊著。Few would expect an Islamic charity to offer workshops on sexuality and ways for disabled people to improve their sex lives. But the al-Wafa hospital in Gaza has been providing this service for years, and it is hardly atypical. Many assume that Islamic charities are “merely a guise for promoting terrorism”, writes Sara Roy, a Middle East scholar at Harvard. In her new book about social services in Gaza, based on trips to the strip over the past 15 years, she argues that the reality is more complex.几乎没有人意想到伊斯兰教慈善团体会向残疾人士提供关于性方面的讲习班以及改善性生活的方法。但是在加沙的以色列的医院已经提供此项务很多年了,所以这已成为司空见惯的事请了。很多人认为伊斯兰教的慈善团体“只不过是促进恐怖主义的伪装”,也正如一个在哈佛的中东学者萨拉罗伊所写那样。在关于加沙社会福利事业的新书中,基于她过去15年去加沙地带的出行,她认为现实情况更复杂。Palestinians are pragmatic when it comes to social care. Many go from one organisation to the next—both Islamic and secular—to scavenge as much support as they can, regardless of politics or ideology. Parents often choose religious schools and hospitals because the services are better there than those provided by secular NGOs or the feeble Palestinian state. Palestinians of all social classes, including the secular and the wealthy, send their children to Islamic schools, just like many agnostic London parents send their children to church schools renowned for their discipline and education.一提到社会福利,巴勒斯坦人就很现实。无论哪种政治还是意识形态,许多人从一个组织转向下一个组织(包括伊斯兰教和非宗教的组织)尽可能搜寻到较多的持者。父母通常会选择宗教学校和医院,因为其务比民间的非政府组织或低效率的的巴勒斯坦政府所提供的好。各个阶层的巴基斯坦人,包括平民和富人,都把他们的孩子送去伊斯兰学校,正如很多伦敦的不可知论者把他们的孩子送去以严格的纪律和良好的教育著称的教会学校一样。Some employees of Islamic NGOs sound equally sanguine about the role of religion. One director of an organisation that distributes money, clothing and food to the poor tells Ms Roy that beyond appropriate dress and “respectful behaviour” (admittedly a worryingly vague term), he was not concerned with the religious purity of those he served. He is happy to help anyone in need: “if we discriminate we become fanatics.”一些伊斯兰非政府组织的从业人员对宗教的地位的看法听起来同样也很乐观。一个给穷人分配钱、衣和食物的组织理事告诉罗伊女士,除了合适的衣和“恭敬的行为”(公认是一个含糊的术语),他并不在乎他务的人的宗教虔诚度。他很高兴可以帮助任何有需要的人:“如果我们歧视他们,我们就会成为盲信者。”The social work that Hamas does has certainly empowered the organisation. But Ms Roy argues that this indirect appeal for votes “is very different from mobilising people into collective action in support of an activist Islamist agenda”. It is not as if Hamas uses its social institutions to launch political or military activities, she adds.哈马斯所提供的社会务肯定已经给这个组织授予了权力。但是罗伊女士认为这种间接的请求选举的行为与动员人们参加集体行动来持伊斯兰激进主义分子的基础的意识方案不同。她还说这不像伊斯兰抵抗派利用其社会制度来开展政治或军事活动。When Ms Roy began conducting research in Gaza 25 years ago, she found little popular support for a political agenda built on Islam. A determined secular streak runs through Palestinian society, she maintains. Rather than Palestinians becoming more Islamist, “Hamas has had to broaden its definition of Islam and ‘Muslimness in order to claim and maintain as large a number of adherents as possible.” As a movement that is political at heart, not religious, Hamas has been forced to “de-ideologise” Islam and appeal to more practical needs to ensure its political survival.罗伊女士25年前开始在加沙进行研究,她发现很少人持基于伊斯兰教的政治议程。她认为一个坚定的世俗倾向贯穿于整个巴勒斯坦社会。伊斯兰抵抗运动不得不扩大伊斯兰教和“伊斯兰人”的定义,目的在于拥有和保持尽可能多的信徒,而不是使巴勒斯坦人成为伊斯兰教主义者。作为一个本质上是政治而非宗教的运动,哈马斯被迫减少伊斯兰教的思想意识并且要求更多的实质需要来确保其政治生存。But Hamass hegemony is now under threat. Gazas radical Muslim Salafists accuse the group of political and religious treason, claiming that by engaging in elections and in governing Gaza, Hamas has undermined both its nationalist and Islamic credentials. Desperate to contain the Salafists and remain the sole agent of political and social Islam in Palestine, Hamas “has encouraged, albeit carefully and cautiously, the greater Islamisation of Gazan society”. This is done largely through its social arm, by enforcing conservative dresscodes in schools, banning alcohol and warning against dating.但是哈马斯的领导权现在受到威胁。加沙激进的穆斯林萨拉斯菲特者指控这个组织政治和宗教的不忠,声称他们通过参加选举和统治加沙,暗地里伤害其民族主义者和伊斯兰的信心。哈马斯不顾一切地牵制萨拉斯菲特人并且保持伊斯兰在巴勒斯坦的政治和社会独家代理的地位。即使哈马斯很小心和谨慎,但是他们仍然鼓励加沙社会变得更伊斯兰化。这一举动绝大部分地通过社会武装,例如在学校实施保守的装规则,禁止喝酒和警告不准约会。Ms Roy strives not to speak for Palestinians, but to let their voices reverberate. One woman tells her, “This is what you must teach others. That we are no different than you.” These are the books most powerful moments, and one of its great strengths. Palestinians appear not simply as victims but as ordinary human beings with typical needs and concerns amid extraordinary circumstances. Ms Roys work is one of academic scholarship, rigorous and precise, and not designed for the speedy turn of pages. But this is an important book, which challenges lazy views about the Palestinians and highlights how they go about securing basic services.罗伊女士并非要设法为巴勒斯坦人说话,她只是努力让他们的声音产生广泛的影响。一位妇女告诉她,“这就是你必须教别人的东西。我们和你没什么不同。”这些就是这本书最强有力的片段了,也是它主要的优势。巴勒斯坦人不仅仅是受害者,而是在这特别的环境下有着常人的需求和忧虑的平凡人。罗伊女士的作品是一门严谨精确的学术学问,而不是用来快速浏览的书籍。但这是一本重要的书,它不仅向关于巴勒斯坦人未经深思熟虑的观点挑战,而且强调他们如何继续保卫基本社会福利事业。 /201306/243924 Stretching and toning are certainly important, but their benefitsare different from that of aerobic exercise.伸展和拉伸显然很重要,但是,对身体的益处有别于有氧运动。Surprisingly,aerobic exercise isnt just beneficial to your heart, it alsosharpens your mind.意想不到的是有氧运动不仅仅有益身心,还能灵活大脑。You dont have to be a jock to enjoy the brain benefits of aerobic exercise.享受有氧运动对于大脑健康的福利,并不一定要向运动员般剧烈运动。Moderateaerobic exercise is plenty.适度有氧运动就获益颇多了。Several studies involving older adultsdemonstrated that simply walking a mile or so three times a week,increases blood flow in the brainand strengthens connections between neurons, resulting in improved mental performance ontasks requiring attention.一些有关老年人的研究实,只需每周三次散步一英里左右就能促进大脑血液循环;增强神经元间的“互动”,提高注意力,从而提升智力。One of the studies divided a group of seniors into two different six-month exercise coursesonecourse consisting of aerobic exercise,the other consisting of stretching and toning.一项研究将老人们分为两组:一组做有氧运动;另一组做伸展和无氧拉伸半年的时间。Again, werenot talking about marathon-training here.但是,运动量都是适度的而非马拉松式。The aerobic-training course gradually built itsparticipants up to walking 45 minutes at a moderate pace three times a week.有氧运动组让老人们养成了每周三次45分钟正常步伐走路。At the end of the course, the people who completed the aerobic training showed significantimprovements in attention-related mental tasks.有氧运动训练完后,参加者在注意力相关的智能测试有显著提升。The stretching and toning group showed littleimprovement.而后一组受训前后并无明显差异。 201405/295948成都/恩齐国际纹绣专家学院电话地址和微信qq成都市奥瑞拉美颜阁培训学费课程需要多少钱

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